A brief response on the controversies over Shangdi, Tianshen and Linghun by Niccolò Longobardo / Thierry Meynard, Daniel Canaris, editors.
Includes bibliographical references and index.

1.Claudia von Collani: The Genesis, Editions and Translations of Longobardo’s Treatise, Pages 1-26
This chapter reconstructs the background of Longobardo’s treatise through a detailed analysis of the texts on the Terms Controversy. It devotes particular attention to the role of João Rodrigues Tçuzu (1561–1633), a key figure in the connection between the missions of Japan and China. After arriving in China, he interviewed Chinese Christians and concluded that their understanding of God, angel and soul was mistaken. Collani argues that Rodrigues’ method of textual examination and interviews prompted Longobardo to launch his own investigation. Collani analyzes also how different manuscripts of the report were produced, and its role in the tense discussions in 1668 when almost all the missionaries in China had been exiled to Canton. The disagreements in Canton led the opponents of Ricci’s missionary policy to publicize Longobardo’s report in Europe.

2.Song Liming: The Identification of Chinese Non-Christian Literati and Reflections on the Dating of the “Resposta breve” and Its Place of Composition, Pages 27-44
This chapter contains the first systematic study of the non-Christian literati whom Longobardo interviewed for his report. Prior scholarship has focused on Longobardo’s discussions with Chinese Christian literati, particularly Yang Tingyun. However, Longobardo mentions also the names of sixteen non-Christian literati, of whom only one had been identified (Qian Linwu). Based on the information provided by the manuscripts and Chinese historical records, Song Liming has identified with certitude eleven of the sixteen literati. For the five remaining literati, Song hazards some possibilities. He infers from details about the positions of those literati that Longobardo held two rounds of interviews: a first round in Beijing around 1621–1625, and a second round in Nanjing and Hangzhou around 1625–1629. Song provides convincing evidence that the report had not been finalized in 1623, as previously assumed, but that Longobardo continued to revise it up until the very end of the 1620s.

3.Daniel Canaris: Longobardo’s Scholastic Critique of Ricci’s Accommodation of Confucianism, Pages 45-59
This chapter seeks to insert Longobardo’s report into its Renaissance intellectual context by considering how Longobardo’s polemic with Ricci’s accommodation of Confucianism reflects coeval European debates between humanism and scholasticism. Just as the European humanists attempted to discard the traditional commentaries of the Middle Ages and return to the original meaning of ancient texts, Ricci rejected the traditional commentaries of the Song dynasty and attempted to restore what he believed to be the authentic meaning of the Confucian classics by returning to the original texts of the Confucius. In contrast, just as the Renaissance scholastics interpreted ancient texts in continuity with medieval tradition, Longobardo interpreted the ancient texts of China in light of those very Song-dynasty commentaries that Ricci had rejected.

4.Thierry Meynard: Longobardo’s Reading of Song Confucianism, Pages 61-82
This chapter examines the Song commentaries which Longobardo considered important for a correct understanding of Confucianism. In particular, Meynard reveals that Longobardo’s understanding of what constituted canonical thought in late Ming China was highly idiosyncratic. Longobardo elevates Shao Yong as the representative thinker of the Confucian tradition despite the fact that Zhu Xi considered many of his ideas to be heterodox. Longobardo’s report provides the first European description of Shao Yong’s cosmological division between metaphysical and abstract realities (xiantianxue), and the concrete realities unfolding in the physical universe (houtianxue). Longobardo interprets his cosmology through the lens of Aristotelian concepts, and concludes that it was essentially materialist monism which does not allow for spiritual substances, thereby proving terminology indigenous to the Confucian tradition cannot convey the transcendence of Christian theological concepts.

5.Claudia von Collani et alii: Philological Note, Pages 83-90
This chapter explains the philological principles employed in our edition of Longobardo’s “Resposta breve”. In particular, it stresses our intention to represent as accurately as possible Longobardo’s intellectual contribution while giving a sense of how the text was manipulated during the Chinese Rites Controversies. For this reason, our edition has opted to base the English translation on Santa Maria’s Latin translation of Longobardo’s report located in the archives of Propaganda Fide in Rome (APF). This manuscript has been systematically compared against Longobardo’s Portuguese text, which has been reconstructed with Longobardo’s autograph (and significantly mutilated) manuscript found in APF and a copy of Longobardo’s text found in the Bibliothèque Nationale de France (BNF). This chapter also provides an overview of the most important manuscript and printed copies of the text.

6.Niccolò Longobardo: A Brief Response to the Controversies Over Shangdi, Tianshen and Linghun, Translated from Latin into English by Daniel Canaris and Annotated by Thierry Meynard, Daniel Canaris Pages 91-198
This report by the Jesuit Niccolò Longobardo, who succeeded Matteo Ricci as Superior of the Jesuit China mission, was one of the most controversial texts in the history of Sino-Western exchange. Ricci had attempted to use indigenous Chinese vocabulary to represent the Christian God, the soul and the angels. This approach was challenged by Jesuits arriving in Macau from Japan who feared that such accommodations could lead to heterodoxy among Chinese Christian converts. Influenced by these missionaries, Longobardo started compiling this report in the early 1620s using a combination of Chinese and Western sources, as well as interviews with Christian and pagan literati. The report was leaked in the early 1660s to the Franciscan missionary Antonio de Santa Maria Caballero, who forwarded it to Rome. The printing of this text in Europe had a decisive impact on the Chinese Rites Controversy and Enlightenment understanding of Confucianism.

Appendix 1: Transcription of Caballero’s Latin Translation, Transcribed by Claudia von Collani, Daniel Canaris, and Thierry Meynard
This appendix contains a transcription of the Latin translation of Longobardo’s “Resposta breve” by the Franciscan missionary Antonio de Santa Maria Caballero. Santa Maria commenced this translation soon after receiving a copy of Longobardo’s autograph Portuguese manuscript from Jean Valat sometime between 20 August 1661 and 12 October 1661. It was addressed to the cardinals of Propaganda Fide, who Santa Maria hoped would intervene to overturn the 1656 decree in favor of the Chinese Rites. He handed this translation, the autograph original and other documents to his companion Buenaventura Ibañez, who brought the documents to Rome on 20 April 1667. Overall, Santa Maria’s translation is a faithful translation of Longobardo’s Portuguese text, although many glosses are added to make Longobardo’s text more understandable for an audience ignorant of the Chinese language and to draw links between the text and the Chinese Rites Controversy.

Appendix 2: Transcription of Longobardo’s Portuguese Text, Transcribed and edited by Emanuele Landi and revised by Mário S. de Carvalho
This appendix contains a transcription of the original Portuguese text that has been reconstructed through a comparison of Longobardo’s mutilated autograph manuscript found in the archives of Propaganda Fide and a copy found in the archives of the Bibliothèque Nationale de France. Although this text has been dated to 1623—1624, there is evidence that further revisions were made to this manuscript as late as 1630. Originally, the text consisted of three parts, but only the first part of the text reached Santa Maria. Furthermore, the surviving manuscript only includes seventeen preludes; however, the index of the autograph manuscript gives evidence of an eighteenth prelude.

Local access dig.pdf. [Longobardo-Brief.pdf]

Acknowledgments -- Figures -- Foreword: Reading Giulio Aleni's A Brief Introduction to the Study of Human Nature in Light of the Cursus Conimbricensis -"Urtext" -- Mário S. de Carvalho -- Introduction -- Thierry Meynard, S.J., and Dawei Pan -- A Brief Introduction to the Study of Human Nature -- Giulio Aleni -- Preface to A Brief Introduction to the Study of Human Nature -- Cheng Yi -- Preface to The Study of Human Nature -- Qu Shisi -- Foreword to The Study of Human Nature -- Giulio Aleni -- Preface to A Brief Introduction to the Study of Human Nature -- Zhu Shiheng -- First Juan of A Brief Introduction to the Study of Human Nature -- Second Juan of A Brief Introduction to the Study of Human Nature -- Third Juan of A Brief Introduction to the Study of Human Nature -- Fourth Juan of A Brief Introduction to the Study of Human Nature -- Fifth Juan of A Brief Introduction to the Study of Human Nature -- Sixth Juan of A Brief Introduction to the Study of Human Nature -- Seventh Juan of A Brief Introduction to the Study of Human Nature -- Eighth Juan of A Brief Introduction to the Study of Human Nature -- Bibliography -- Index.

"Thierry Meynard and Dawei Pan offer a highly detailed annotated translation of one of the major works of Giulio Aleni, a Jesuit missionary in China. Referred to by his followers as "Confucius from the West", Aleni made his presence felt in the early modern encounter between China and Europe. The two translators outline the complexity of the intellectual challenges that Aleni faced and the extensive conceptual resources on which he built up a fine-grained framework with the aim of bridging the Chinese and Christian spiritual traditions"-- Provided by publisher.

Local access dig.pdf. [Meynard-Pan-Human nature.pdf]

第一章章.　《天主實錄》及《天主實義》-- 第二章. 耶穌會傳教士對中國佛教的早期研究 -- 第三章. 理論哲學和修辭哲學的兩種不同對話模式 -- 第四章. 靈魂論的傳入 -- 第五章. 孔子土地上的亞里士多德倫理學 -- 第六章. 晚明中國的文藝復興教育 -- 第七章. 作為政治倫理學榜樣的賢王 -- 第八章. 倫理學的其他兩個榜樣：朋友及丈夫 -- 第九章. 儒家經典的解讀 -- 第十章. 耶穌會的《論語》 -- 第十一章. 耶穌會的“孔子傳” -- 第十二章. 耶穌會的《中庸》 -- 第十三章. 耶穌會的歷史考證 -- 第十四章. 神秘的中國 -- 第十五章. 在中西之間“宗教”概念的形成 -- 第十六章. 關於利瑪竇思想遺產最近的爭論.

明清之際耶穌會士赴華, 帶來了西方的亞里士多德主義學術體系, 他們很重要的一個工作便是將亞里士多德的著作翻譯成漢文並且進行了富有創意的詮釋. 與此同時, 他們學習, 吸收儒家經典, 並且嘗試以亞里士多德主義為理論依據, 發起了對儒家經典的新詮釋, 增加了新的內涵. 他們不僅使儒家經典在西文中獲得生命力,而且在中國儒家詮釋學中留下了一些影響. 在耶穌會士及其中國同仁的努力之下, 儒家經典可以從外來文化中獲得一些新的發揮, 這對中國和西方都有影響. 反過來, 耶穌會士用儒家術語寫成亞里士多德主義的著作, 使亞里士多德思想本身獲得新的發揮, 呈現出新的可能性. 如此, 在這種經典的交織過程中, 東,西文化在相互闡釋的過程中, 獲得了更加豐富的詮釋和內涵.

---------------------------------

後記:
中西文化交流已有四百多年的歷史，兩個文化傳統互相學習、逐漸尊重、互相豐富。儘管今天我們有非常多的交流渠道，然而文化交流經常停留在比較表面的層次，不夠深入，對他種文化不夠開放、理解不夠深入，並且對自己的文化缺乏自我省思。此種現狀造成的結果，便是文化之間的互動難以產生更深刻的創見。

在這本書裡，我把明清之際1582—1687年間的中西文化交流作為我們今天的典範。從羅明堅和利瑪竇來華開始，耶穌會士意識到他們必須學習四書五經，才能更深入地理解當時的中國文化及社會。我們將要陳述他們在這方面的努力。當時，他們跟士大夫學習、研究儒家詮釋傳統，並在這個過程當中逐漸消化了儒家傳統，從自己的學術背景——亞里士多德主義和經院哲學（scholasticism）——的視角，去理解四書五經的重要概念及其意義。他們很激動地發現，兩種截然不同的文化竟然分享了很多共同的觀念，因此很樂意地接納了中國文化。耶穌會士把它們所理解的儒家式中國帶回了歐洲，這形成了有深刻影響的“中學西漸”。

耶穌會士在中國第一個必備的工作就是學習中文，從而可以理解中國社會和文化，而他們的最終任務就是傳播福音。但是，他們很快發現，直接傳播福音沒有很大效果，特別是無法吸引大部分的士大夫。這使他們決定用西方文化、科學、技術（所謂“西學”）作為媒介來傳教。其中，他們傳播的哲學、文學作品起了基礎性作用，也使他們後來在這個基礎上得以建立漢語神學。如此，耶穌會士把亞里士多德的許多著作“翻譯”或“改寫”成中文。這樣一來，以亞里士多德主義為核心的“西學”傳到了中國。這形成了有同樣深刻影響的“西學東漸”。

大部分學者把“西學東漸”與“中學西漸”分開進行研究。確實，在明清時期，“西學東漸”的主要著作是用中文寫的，而“中學西漸”則主要用拉丁文。在兩者之間，語言不同，讀者對像不同，作者目的也不同。然而，我認為有必要把這種兩種“漸”放在一起研究。首先，在兩“漸”的過程中扮演主要角色的是耶穌會士，他們跟其他合作者撰寫拉丁文及中文著作。第二，雖然耶穌會士之間存在分歧、甚至爭論，不過，他們受到同樣的耶穌會的學術訓練，並且，這兩種“漸”在思想方面有很強的一致性：他們以亞里士多德主義去理解儒家，並且用儒家去傳播亞里士多德主義。這是因為他們相信在儒家與亞里士多德主義之間並不存在根本性矛盾，兩者可以發生哲學對話，甚至可以互補。在這種哲學基礎上，他們開啟了中西文化的交流，讓中國學習亞里士多德，讓西方學習孔子。

“西”／“東”／“中”概念 東、南、西、北、中都是相對的地理概念。中國曾經把印度作為西方，使第一批來華的耶穌會士自稱從“太西”而來，而後來他們變成了西方人。無論如何，明清時期的中國人沒有把自己放在東方，因為他們當時把中國作為世界中心。利瑪竇在肇慶印刷了中國第一幅世界地圖（《坤輿萬國全圖》），挑戰了中國傳統的世界觀。他沒有把歐洲或中國放在地圖的中心，而是把太平洋放在中間。事實上，在圖注裡，利瑪竇標明地球是一個球體。復旦大學葛兆光教授指出，那個時代的楊廷筠（1562—1627），對這個巨大轉變的表徵，做了比很多人都好的結論：既然地球是球體，所以它“無起止，無中邊”。換句話說，問題不再是把一個國家放在世界中心，因為沒有任何國家能夠是地球的地理中心。確實，利瑪竇地圖的新奇之處，就在於指明了一個喪失任何中心的世界。

如果這樣，中國的“中”是什麼意思呢？加拿大多倫多大學沈清松教授有一個很深刻的觀點，他認為，在中國傳統的世界觀中，中國的“中”就是中庸的“中”，即“未發之中”，這是“心理學、形而上學和宗教的意義”，或者說“超越心理學所謂自我的核心所在”。在這種意義上，就沒有必要去競爭站在中心，因為我們每個人站在自己獨特的位置，並且可以朝向自我之上的超越性，而這種超越性沒有東南西北中之分。因此，我認識到，中國哲學與西方哲學都站在自己的位置上，當它們進行橫向交流時，可以朝向某種超越性。

跨文化哲學的方法明清耶穌會士進行中西哲學對話時，他們經常使用比較的方法，把儒家的某種概念跟亞里士多德的概念進行比較。他們也經常使用儒家概念來表達亞里士多德的思想。不同於沿襲固有的詮釋，他們會給這些概念賦予新的意義和內涵。對耶穌會士而言，亞里士多德的思想幾乎是絕對真理。儘管儒家在很多方面都接近真理，不過，他們還是要用亞里士多德的思想來考量儒家思想，甚至修正儒家思想的不足之處。我們能夠很容易發現，耶穌會士用一個絕對的標準（亞里士多德的思想）去判斷儒家思想。

我自己的研究放棄了這種比較哲學的方法，而試圖運用一種跨文化哲學的方法。首先，這種方法不站在某種文化哲學體系（儒家或亞里士多德主義）之上，而是試圖肯定文化的獨特性與完整性，進而在它們的差異性中尋找某種超越性。

另外，這種跨文化哲學方法不把某種哲學體系本質化（好像它永遠不變），而是更強調文化哲學體系之間的互動性，使每個體係可以保留自己的獨特性，又受到一些外來的影響。因此，在這個意義上，我完全接納多元化。不過，這並不代表我們滿足於簡單的相對主義，相反我們要在跨文化哲學的對話中追求互動性，並且尋找某種超越性。這種學術工作具有關鍵性的作用，使我可以比較客觀地去分析這些歷史材料。我努力試圖超越某種具體的文化傳統，從普遍理性的角度去分析耶穌會士與士大夫的思想處境、他們的思想來源等，並指出他們在哪些方面存在誤會等等。

不過，在進行了比較嚴謹的學術工作之後，還要回到這樣一個問題——這些文本對我們有什麼意義？這就是最後環節，即要回歸於自己。這個過程包括反省中西之間在歷史上的碰撞。在這種碰撞裡，也會發現暴力的影子。可以說，在中國歷史上發生過兩次西學東漸的思潮：明清時期和清末民初以來（後者至今仍未結束）。我們可以簡略比較兩者的異同。第一，明清時期的中國人必須經過傳教士才能得到西學；而清末民初的中國人被允許出國留學，主動尋找新知識。第二，傳教士作為必要的媒介，他們選擇了自認為中國所需要的、並且他們自己所贊同的西學；而清末民初的中國人按照他們自覺的需要去尋找新知識。第三，明清的西學還是建立在平等關係上的，而清末民初的西學是在殖民制度的壓迫之下被迫開展的。第四，除了在自己建立的教堂之外，很多明清時期的耶穌會士都在政府機構（如皇宮、欽天監、禮部、工部）工作；而清末民初時的洋人則成立自己的機構（如學校、醫院）去傳播西學。

確實，明清時期與清末民初的西學東漸，在上述這四個方面有著巨大的差異。不過，我認為最重要的差異顯現在思想和語言上。明清西學必須用中國文化的本土語言和儒家概念來闡述西學，而從晚清開始用西化的語言和西方概念來闡述新知識。雖然在影響的實力與寬度方面，明清時期的西學跟清末民初時期的西學無法相比，不過，第一個“西學潮”借助中國傳統文化來表達，似乎更尊重中國文化，並且它試圖把西學跟儒家結合起來，這是我們今天仍然非常佩服的一點，也是值得我們學習的地方。關於這種歷史的回顧，在結論裡我試圖表達我個人的一些想法。

（本文節選自《從邂逅到相識：孔子與亞里士多德相遇在明清》，題目為編者所擬。）

Includes Latin transcript of: ARSI, Jap. Sin. 158, "Controversiae variae: 1668–1698" ; ff. 51-61v: P. Adr. Grelon SJ. 1a via Cum nota authent. P. Lud. Da Gama, 10 dec. 1668.

Utrum ieiunantes Sinici volentes ad fidem converti obligandi sint ad solvendum ieiunium eique renuntiandum antequam baptismum suscipiant? nec ne? = "Whether Chinese fasters who want to convert to Christianity are obliged to break and renounce the fast before baptism?"

Summary:
From the beginning of the China mission, the Jesuits famously sought to accommodate Christianity to local culture by accepting practices such as the veneration of ancestors. The attempt by some Jesuits to tolerate Chinese vegetarianism is less known but deserves attention because of its cultural, anthropological and religious implications. The controversy which erupted in 1668 between the Jesuits Prospero Intorcetta (1626–96) and Adrien Grelon (1618–97) during the Canton Conference reveals two radically different understandings of the role of vegetarianism in Chinese society, as well as divergent implications for the Christian community. We shall first contextualise the controversy, the relevant documents in the Jesuit archives in Rome (ARSI), and the main arguments that were presented for and against the baptism of those who practise vegetarianism. Since recent scholarship has largely focused on the tenets of accommodation, we decided to translate the text of Grelon, an opponent of accommodation on the question of fasting, followed by the transcription of the original Latin text.

Local access dig.pdf. [Meynard-Fasting.pdf]

Following the footsteps of the Jesuits in Beijing : a guide to sites of Jesuit work and influence in Beijing / Thierry Meynard, S.J.
Cover title also in Chinese: Zai Beijing bulü Yesuhui zhi zuji 在北京步履耶穌會之足跡.
Bibliography: p. [119]-120.

Foreword. Site 1: South Church. Site 2: Forbidden City. Site 3: First National Historical Archives. Site 4: Tomb of Matteo Ricci at Zhalan. Site 5: China Millennium Monument. Site 6: Chapel at the Former Zhengfusi Cemetery. Site 7: East Church. Site 8: Astronomical Observatory. Site 9: National Library. Site 10: Beijing Art Museum of Stone Carvings at Five Towers Temple. Site 11: North Church. Site 12: Temple of Confucius. Site 13: Lama Temple. Site 14: Old Summer Palace. Site 15: Chabanel Language School--Original Location. Site 16: Zhoukoudian Archaeological Site. Conclusion: To Follow the Cosmic Christ. Appendix A: The Most Famous Jesuits in Beijing. Appendix B: The Most Famous Chinese Converts. Appendix C: Chinese Dynasties and Emperors. Appendix D: Main Events Related to the Jesuits.

Local access dig.pdf. [Meynard-Footsteps.pdf]

Jesuit chreia in late Ming China : two studies with an annotated translation of Alfonso Vagnone's Illustrations of the Grand Dao / Sher-shiueh Li and Thierry Meynard.
Translation of: Dadao jiyan 達道紀言.
English and Chinese text with English translations.
Includes bibliographical references (pages 345-368) and index.

Table of Contents-- Acknowledgments -- Abbreviations -- Ming Jesuit Chreia in Chinese: An Analysis of Its Types and Functions / SHER-SHIUEH LI -- Illustrations of the Grand Dao: A Book of Rhetoric and Morality in Late-Ming China / THIERRY MEYNARD -- Alfonso Vagnone’s Illustrations of the Grand Dao, Vol. I. Edited, Translated and Commented by SHER-SHIUEH LI and THIERRY MEYNARD . . . Preface -- Ruler-Official Relationship -- Alfonso Vagnone’s Illustrations of the Grand Dao, Vol. II -- Father-Son Relationship -- Brothers Relationship -- Husband-Wife Relationship -- Friends Relationship -- Charts -- Bibliography -- Index of Names.

Ming Jesuit chreia in Chinese : an analysis of its types and functions by / Sher-Shiueh Li -- Illustrations of the Grand Dao : a book of rhetoric and morality in late Ming China / Thierry Meynard -- Alfonso Vagnone's illustrations of the Grand Dao / edited, translated and commented by Sher-Shiveh LI and Thierry Menard.

“In an astonishing collaboration the Italian Jesuit Alfonso Vagnone (also known as GaoYizhi) and with and the Chinese scholar-official Han Yun wrote down 355 chreiai and sayings, bringing classic Western rhetoric teaching to the late Ming China. In this book, two specialists present complementary studies on the historical, political, and literary background of this interesting topic.”--OCLC note.

Used by Classical and Medieval Western schools to teach rhetoric, a chreia is a brief moral story attributed to a famous historical figure. In Late Ming China, the Italian Jesuit Alfonso Vagnone, also named Gao Yizhi, and the Chinese scholar-official Han Yun collaborated on a project to write down 355 chreiai and sayings. These short commentaries are not mere translations of the Greco-Roman text but the elaborate literary creations of two luminaries working at the junction between Chinese and Western wisdom literature. Along with the original Chinese and its English translation (the original source is included when available) the authors share their expert analysis of each chreia. This study will interest scholars across disciplines: Chinese literature, Comparative literature, Sinology, Chinese thought, Christian studies, Western classics and Moral Philosophy.

Local access dig. pdf. [Li-Meynard-Jesuit Chreia Vagnone.pdf]

The Jesuit reading of Confucius : the first complete translation of the Lunyu (1687) published in the West / by Thierry Meynard, SJ.
Chinese text with the Latin translation of the Lunyu and its commentaries, and their rendition in modern English, with notes.
Includes bibliographical references and index.

"The very name of Confucius is a constant reminder that the foremost sage in China was first known in the West through Latin works. The most influential of these was the 'Confucius Sinarum Philosophus' (Confucius, the Philosopher of China), published in Paris in 1687. For more than two hundred years, Western intellectuals like Leibniz and Voltaire read and meditated on the sayings of Confucius from this Latin version. Thierry Meynard examines the intellectual background of the Jesuits in China and their thought processes in coming to understand the Confucian tradition. He presents a trilingual edition of the Lunyu, including the Chinese text, the Latin translation of the 'Lunyu' and its commentaries, and their rendition in modern English, with notes."--OCLC record.

Table of contents -- Acknowledgments -- List of Illustrations -- Introduction
I. The Genesis of the Sinarum Philosophus and its Prototypes.
II. The Interweaving of Different Chinese Sources.
III. Editorial Choices in Translating the Lunyu.
IV. The Jesuit Reading of the Lunyu and the Image of Confucius.
V. The Life of Confucius and his Portrait.
VI. The Reception of the Lunyu through Two Derivative Works.
Conclusion: Classics in the Global Age.
Trilingual Edition of the Lunyu, with Notes.
The Life of Confucius, Father of Chinese Philosophy.
Appendix. Ming Edition of the Lunyu jizhu with References in the Sinarum Philosophus.
Vocabulary -- Bibliography -- Index.

Local access dig.pdf. [Meynard-Jesuit Reading Confucius.pdf]

Abstract:
It is well known that the Tianzhu shiyi (first published 1603) is the development of a previous catechism published some twenty years before, which Matteo Ricci completely remodeled according to his discussions with Chinese intellectuals. This article shows that Ricci’s mentor, Alessandro Valignano, and particularly his Catechismus japonensis, written in Japan from 1579 to 1582, shaped Ricci’s methods and ideas. This overlooked connection between the two works enables us to understand better Ricci’s debt toward his predecessor and his breakthrough in terms of engagement with indigenous culture.

Keywords: Matteo Ricci—Alessandro Valignano—Tianzhu shiyi—catechism
Local access dig.pdf. [Meynard-Ricci Valignano.pdf]

Qijia Xixue jinzhu  齊家西學今注  /  (Yi) Gao Yizhi zhu  (意) 高一志著 ; (Fa) Mei Qianli, Tan Jie, Song Yuanming bianzhou  (法) 梅謙立, 譚杰, 宋元明編注.

Cover title also in Latin: De recta familiae institutione juxta Europaeos
Includes bibliographical references and index.

目錄

Contents; Foreword; Preface; Acknowledgments; Chapter One The Shaping of the Concept of Religion in China; Chapter Two A Philosophy and Typology of Religion; Chapter Three Christianity as a Social Religion; Chapter Four Buddhism as the True Religion; Chapter Five Buddhist Practice and Yogācāra Epistemology; Chapter Six Buddhist Ontology; Chapter Seven Opposition to Humanistic Buddhism; Chapter Eight Confucian Morality as a Substitute for Religion; Chapter Nine Religious Aspects of Liang's Public and Private Lives; Conclusion Broadening the Concept of Religion for Today; Bibliography; Index.

Physical copy Gleeson Library.
Online via Gleeson Library.
Local access dig.pdf. [Meynard-Liang Shuming.pdf]

Tianzhu shiyi jinzhu 天主實義今注 = Catechismus sinicus /  [Yi] Limadou zhu [意]利瑪竇著 ; [Fa] Mei Qianli zhu ; Tan Jie jiaokan ; [法] 梅謙立注 ; 譚杰校勘.

Parallel title from cover: Catechismus sinicus
Includes bibliographical references (pages 225-233) and index.

目錄

Tongyou jiaoyu jinzhu 童幼教育今注 = De Liberorum Educatione /  [意]高一志 著， [法]梅謙立 編注， 谭杰 校勘.

At head of cover: De Liberorum Educatione.
Includes bibliographical references and index.

本書特色
明末義大利耶穌會士高一志(Alfonso Vagnone)所著的《童幼教育》(1632年)是首本介紹文藝復興教育思想的著作，反映了中西教育思想的*初碰撞。 本書分為兩部分。 在*部分的六篇研究論文中，四位學者分別闡述了高一志的生平和教育背景，《童幼教育》的結構和西方思想來源，《童幼教育》對中國教育思想的響應和補充， 以及《兒童兒童教育》的版本。 第二部分是《童幼教育》的校註本，透過大量註釋考證書中的人名、地名和古典故事，解釋此書的西方文獻和思想來源，並比較其與中國教育思想之間的異同之處 。

內容簡介
明末義大利耶穌會士高一志(Alfonso Vagnone)所著的《童幼教育》(1632年)是首本介紹文藝復興教育思想的著作，反映了中西教育思想的*初碰撞。 本書分為兩部分。 在**部分的六篇研究論文中，四位學者分別闡述了高一志的生平和教育背景，《童幼教育》的結構和西方思想來源，《童幼教育》對中國教育思想的回應和補充 ，以及《兒童兒童教育》的版本情況。 第二部分是《童幼教育》的校註本，透過大量註釋考證書中的人名、地名和古典故事，解釋此書的西方文獻和思想來源，並比較其與中國教育思想之間的異同之處 。

目錄
目錄 **章晚明耶穌會士高一誌生平/ 1
一、高一志在義大利 / 1
二、高一志在南京 / 5
三、高一志在澳門 / 28
四、高一志在山西糧州 / 30
五、鞠躬盡瘁、長眠絳州 / 42
第二章高一志教育思想的背景/ 46
一、耶穌會教育傳統 / 46
二、高一志在義大利接受教育 / 52
三、高一志在中國的學業與學術 / 67
四、高一志在山西糧州的學術活動 / 77
第三章對《童幼教育》來源文獻及其結構的考證/ 85
一、玻尼法爵《基督教育》在澳門的重版 / 86
二、伊拉斯謨的《兒童禮儀》/ 90
三、維基歐的《教育六卷》/ 92
四、托雷斯的《王子倫理哲學》/ 95
第四章《兒童教育》與文藝復興教育/ 99
一、教育的自然基礎，即父母遺傳 / 100
二、以正式教育補充自然 / 107三、宗教與教育 / 113
四、耶穌會的教育制度 / 117
第五章《兒童教育》與朱熹《小學》/ 120
一、中西教育內容介紹 / 121
二、中西教育的相同 / 125
三、中西教育的不同 / 130
第六章關於《兒童教育》不同版本的考證及
《童幼教育今註》的説明/ 138
一、《兒童教育》的四個版本 / 138
二、關於本書校勘工作的説明 / 141
兒童教育/ 147
童幼教育序 / 149
兒童教育卷之上　目録 / 152
兒童教育卷下　目録 / 152
兒童教育卷之上/ 154
教育之原** / 154
育之功第二 / 159
教之主第三 / 162
教之助第四 / 165
教之法第五 / 170
教之翼第六 / 174
學之始第七 / 179
學之次第八 / 183潔身第九 / 188
知恥第十 / 192
兒童教育卷以下/ 198
緘默** / 198
言信第二 / 201
文學第三 / 206
正書第四 / 211
西學第五 / 216
飲食第六 / 221
衣裳第七 / 225
寢具第八 / 228
交友第九 / 231
閑戲第十 / 235
附　録/ 239
（一）高一誌生平年表 / 239
（二）民國年間《童幼教育》跋 / 241
（三）崇禎八年絳州知州雷翀告示 / 242
（四）平陽府疆域圖 / 244
（五）絳州州屬五縣圖 / 245
（六）東雍書院圖 / 246
索　引/ 247
參考文獻/ 255
作者簡介
高一志（Alfonso Vagnone，1566—1640），又名王豐肅，明末義大利耶穌會士，出生於義大利都靈郊區的特洛伐雷洛區的一個貴族家庭，長眠於中國山西綾州。 他於1604年抵達中國進行傳教活動，為中西早期交流做了極大貢獻。 其一生著述豐富，有《修身西學》五卷、《西學治平》四卷、《西學齊家》五卷、《空際格致》二卷、《達道紀言》一卷等。 其中1632年所著《兒童教育》是首本介紹文藝復興教育思想的著作，也反映了中西教育思想的*初碰撞。 梅謙立（Thierry Meynard），法國人，中山大學哲學系教授、博士生導師、西學東漸文獻館副館長。 主要研究中西思想交流、西方古典哲學、當代新儒家。 2003年獲得北京大學中國哲學博士學位，論文《梁漱溟的宗教觀》。 主要著作包括《中國哲學家孔子》(英文版，2010年)，《天主實義今註》(2014年)。 譚傑，華中科技大學工學學士(2008年)，中山大學哲學博士(2016年)，中南大學哲學系博士後(2016年至今)。 主要研究明清西學東漸、倫理學。 主要著作包括《天主實義今註》(2014年)。

Not in OCLC.

The true meaning of the Lord of Heaven = Tianzhu shiyi 天主實義 / Matteo Ricci ; revised edition by Thierry Meynard, S.J. ; translated by Douglas Lancashire and Peter Hu Kuo-chen, S.J.
Chinese and English on opposite pages, with summary in Latin.
Includes bibliographical references (385-398) and index.

Editor's preface – Introduction: The life of Matteo ricci – History of the composition and publication of The true meaning of the Lord of Heaven -- The present English translation – Ricci’s viewpoint and the contents of the work – A detailed outline of The true meaning of the Lord of Heaven -- The terminology – Reactions to Ricci’s work – A contemporary evaluation -- The true meaning of the Lord of Heaven : the Chinese text, English translation, and notes -- Appendix : Ricci's Latin summary of The true meaning of the Lord of Heaven.

"For two thousand years explorers, merchants, missionaries, and diplomats have been building bridges between China and the West. In the late sixteenth century, Matteo Ricci, an Italian Jesuit, initiated a more direct encounter between Chinese culture and Western Christianity, which has continued ever since. One of Ricci's most famous works, The true meaning of the Lord of heaven, was written in Chinese in form of a dialogue. In it, Ricci attempted to introduce Chinese literati to some of the fundamental ideas of the Judeo-Christian tradition. Based upon conversations Ricci had with Chinese scholars, this work allows us to get a sense of how he explained to his Chinese friends Western views about the purpose of life, human nature, and the existence of God. This revised bilingual edition of the first translation of Ricci's text into English (St. Louis: Institute of Jesuit Sources, 1985) helps us, by means of a substantial introduction and footnotes, to situate Ricci's dialogue in its religious and cultural context.."-- Back cover.

Local access dig.pdf. [Ricci-Meynard-True Meaning.pdf]

Xiushen Xixue jinzhu 修身西學今注  [De recta sui ipsius institutione juxta doctrinam Europaeorum] / ǂc (Yi) Gao Yizhi zhu (意) 高一志著; (Fa) Mei Qianli, Tan Jie, Tian Shufeng bian. (法) 梅謙立, 譚傑, 田書峰編註.

Includes bibliographical references (pages 306-316) and index.

1637-1638年, 義大利耶穌會士高一志(Alfonso Vagnone)與數位中國士人在山西綛州(今新綛縣)合作著譯'修身西學', 完整呈現了亞里斯多德主義經院倫理學 的概念與理論系統, 代表了亞里斯多德倫理學在中國的首次系統譯介, 早於晚清西方倫理學的東漸二百餘年.本書由兩部分構成.在第一部分的六 篇研究論文中, 三位學者主要考察'修身西學'的作者於成書過程, 其與兩個拉丁文底本之間的關聯, 以及由其構成的亞里斯多德倫理學在中國的最早傳播. 第二部分透過校註的形式, 全面細緻地展現'修身西學'的核心概念與論述的西方思想來源, 並比較其與中國倫理思想之間的異同之處.

Brief descriptions, addresses and directions to Beijing locales that have a historical connection to the Society of Jesus or contain materials related to the Jesuit mission: Nantang 南堂, Gugong 故宮, No.1 Historical Archives 第一歷史檔案館, Ricci's tomb at Zhalan Cemetery: Li Madou mu 利瑪竇墓 ; Zhonghua shijitan 中華世紀壇, Zhengfusi jiumuyuan 正福寺舊墓園, Dongtang 東堂, Gu guanxiangtai 古觀象台, National Library 國家圖書館, Wutasi chuanjiaoshi zhi mu 五塔寺傳教士之墓 ; Beitang 北堂, Kongmiao 孔廟, Yonghegong 雍和宮, Yuanmingyuan 圓明園, Desheng huayu xueyuan 德勝話語學院, Zhoukoudian 周口店, and other sites related to the Catholic presence in Beijing.
Inscribed by the author.