Local access dig.pdf. [Ricci-天主實義-Korean 1972.pdf]

Manuscript letter in two parts. Some pdf frames represent two leaves of the original.
Title from ARSI page link.

Jap-Sin IV, 5 D

[ Editors’ note: When the author described Jap-Sin IV, 5, its folder D was not in the usual place and folder E only contained the Bouvet letters numbered 6–13. At present folder D contains only one document at the end of which is written “collectionem hanc textuum Sinicorum eorumque versionem factam a Patre Joanne Alexio Gollet s.j. et novem paginas continentem, legi et approbo. Kieou Kiang, die 11 octobris 1725, Julianus Placidus Hervieu s.j. - Japonis Missionis PP. Gallorum in Sinis.” Folder E now also contains the Bouvet letters numbered 1–5, which formerly were in the then missing folder D and are not described in this catalogue. ]

Source: Albert Chan, S.J., Chinese Books and Documents in the Jesuit Archives in Rome, p. 524.

Local access dig. pdf. in folder ARSI Jap-Sin I-IV folder under Jap-Sin IV-5D.pdf]
Online at ARSI via Internet Archive.

Introduction -- Rural Ontario, 1885-1903 -- Toronto, 1903-1905 -- From commitment to departure, 1905-1910 -- North Henan, 1910 -- The early years, 1910-1917 -- Somewhere in France, 1917-1920 -- Rest and return, 1921-1927 -- Converts, education, and nationalism -- The waste of yin, 1917-1927 -- Museums and collectors -- Interlude, 1927-1928 -- Marking time, 1930-1931 -- Next stage, the 1930s -- Mature archaeologist, the 1930s -- Frustrating exile, 1936-1941 -- American interlude and postwar hiatus, 1942-1947 -- The last stage, 1948-1957 -- Conclusion -- Epilogue: James Menzies's legacy.

Electronic edition also available online via Gleeson Library.

Abkai ejen-i unenggi jurgan [Tianzhu shiyi 天主實義. Manchu Jap-Sin I, 48].
Alt. title: Manwen Tianzhu shiyi 滿文天主實義

Manchu translation attributed to Li Kai 李鎧 (jinshi 1661), Academician of the Grand Secretariat (Neige xueshi 内閣學士) and Vice-Minister in the Ministry of Rites (Libu shilang 禮部侍朗). See ’Brevis relatio’, ARSI, Jap. Sin. I, 206, fol. 33r-v.
Full citation see: Ad Dudink & Nicolas Standaert, Chinese Christian Texts Database (CCT-Database).

Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu (ARSI) edition. Ex Japonica-Sinica.
Digital copy in .tiff format, 4¾ CD-ROM
CD-ROM contents: Tianzhu shiyi 天主實義 [JapSin I-44], Manwen Tianzhu shiyi 滿文天主實義 (Abkai ejen-i unenggi jurgan) [JapSin I-48a-b], Jiaoyou lun 交友論 [JapSin I-49], Jiren shipian 畸人十篇 [JapSin I-52], Tianxue shiyi 天學實義 [JapSin I-53a], Tianzhu Shengjiao shilu 天主聖教實錄 [JapSin I-54], Tianzhu shilu 天主實錄 [JapSin I-189], Tianzhu shilu 天主實錄 [JapSin I-190]

JapSin I, 48
Manwen Tianzhu shiyi (Abkai edchen i ounengai dchourg) 滿文天主實義
Manchu translation of Matteo Ricci’s Tianzhu shiyi (cf. JS I, 44-46). Two juan in two volumes. Chinese bamboo paper. [Note: Manchu transcription alternate: Abkai ejen-i unenggi jurgan, cf. N. Standaert, Handbook of Christianity in China, p. 630]

The title pages of both volumes bear the title in Chinese as well as in Manchu. The Latin inscription reads: “Vera Dei Essentia | Tartaricé a p. Matth. Ricci, S.J.”

Each half folio contains nine columns and in the middle of each folio there is the title, followed by the number of the folio. Juan 1 consists of eighty-four folios (including twelve folios of prefaces) and juan 2 of ninety folios. The top margin of the folios bears Manchu writing also.
Cf. Brevis Relatio (1700), Jap-Sin I, 206, folio 32b–33a:

Decimum sit Testimonium viri senii, non tam dignitate, quam inter Tartaros, et Sinas summâ eruditione insignis, nomine Li [i.e., Li Kai 李鎧]; qui per 30, et amplius annos ab Imperatore occupatus est in Palatio, modò in componendis libris, tum Tartaricis, tum Sinicis de multiplici argumento, atque in primis de iis, quae pertinent ad varias Religiones, seu Sectas, quae in hoc Imperio vigent: modo in vertendis scientiis Europaeis in alterutram linguam, quam utramque apprime callebat. Is etiam vertit jam pridem libros P. Mathei Ricii de Dei Existentiâ è linguâ Sinicâ in Tartaricam, et quosdam alios, qui modò magnâ utilitate impressi sunt.

Cf. Courant 6825 II (only juan 2); Stary, p.62 (Abkai ejen-i unenggi jurgan).
Source: Albert Chan, SJ, Chinese Books and Documents in the Jesuit Archives in Rome, pp. 72-77.

Nova Demonstratio, quâ ￜ ex 30. primi principii seu veri ￜ omnium Domini nominibus ￜ probatur Deus Christianorum notum distincte et cultum fuisse ￜ a sapientibus antiquis Sinarum.
29.2 x 20.2 cm.

天地人物真宰，乃萬有之根本，本乃人之要務，各子弟必先明識其本，而後時時事事尊敬向之。千世萬方之民，皆係同胞兄弟，由一原祖而出，原為一家，一理，一教，初則明識根本。故上古先師立各等尊號，載在經書。
而詳釋之，率人敬向一真宰。自分方而成萬園，理教亦分，根本漸不明矣。 我西土先時亦大不宰，根本甚不明，後蒙造物主開捕，幸得 天主聖教真經， 後明天本，識認真宰精微
。 中華自遭秦火，典籍失傅，論根本諸文之原意，混睛不明，然經書猶概 尚存。今據天主聖經之旨，讀中華經書，凡古今論天主真宰之文號，擇其極 精粹者，一一集列之，成一復識根本真宰明鑒焉。

The verso of folio 1 v gives thirty-one names for the Supreme Lord 根本真宰尊號 which appeared in ancient Chinese writings:

帝 。 古蒂 。 上帝 。 天地 。 帝天 。上皇 。皇天 。 昊天 。 上天 。 天 。 天之主宰 。 主宰 。 眞宰 。 宰。 主。 造物者。 道理 。 道。 理 。 自然 。 無名 。 神 。 陰陽 。 乾坤 。 父母 。 天地 （古主字）。 唯一 。 太極 。 太一 。 三一 。

Cf. J. Gatty,“Les recherches de Joachim Bouvet (1656-1730)，" in Actes du Colloque international de Sinologie (La mission française de Pékin aux XVIIe et XVIIe siècles), Paris 1976, pp. 141-162 ; p. 145 (no. 20- 22).

Local access folder ARSI Jap-Sin I-IV under Jap-Sin IV-5C.pdf.
Online at ARSI via Internet Archive.

The world of Liu Zhi -- Chinese Muslim tradition and Liu Zhi's legacy -- Liu Zhi's concepts and terminology -- Ritual as an expression of Chinese-Islamic simultaneity -- The spirit of ritual and the letter of the law -- Allah's Chinese name.

Islam first arrived in China over 1,200 years ago, but for more than a millennium it was perceived as a foreign presence. The restoration of native Chinese rule by the Ming dynasty (1368-1644). after nearly a century of Mongol domination, helped transform Chinese intellectual discourse on ideological, social, political, religious, and ethnic identity. This led to the creation of a burgeoning network of Sinicized Muslim scholars who wrote about Islam in classical Chinese and developed a body of literature known as the Han Kitāb. Rectifying God's Name examines the life and work of one of the most important of the Qing Chinese Muslim literati, Liu Zhi (ca. 1660--ca. 1730), and places his writings in their historical, cultural, social, and religio-philosophical contexts. His Tianfang dianli (Ritual law of Islam) represents the must systematic and sophisticated attempt within the Han Kitāb corpus to harmonize Islam with Chinese thought.--Book jacket.

The volume begins by situating Liu Zhi in the historical development of the Chinese Muslim intellectual tradition, examining his sources and influences as well as his legacy. Delving into the contents of Liu Zhi's work, it focuses on his use of specific Chinese terms and concepts, their origins and inclining in Chinese thought, and their correspondence to Islamic principles. A close examination of the Tianfang dianli reveals Liu Zhi's specific usage of the concept of ritual as a common foundation of both Confucian morality and social order and Islamic piety. The challenge of expressing such concepts in a context devoid of any clear monotheistic principle tested the limits of his scholarship and linguistic finesse. Lin Zhi's theological discussion in the Tianfang dianli engages not only the ancient Confucian tradition, but also Daoism, Buddhism, and even non-Chinese traditions. His methodology reveals an erudite and cosmopolitan scholar who synthesized diverse influences, from Sufism to Neo-Confucianism, and possibly even Jesuit and Jewish sources, into a body of work that was both steeped in tradition and, yet, exceedingly original, epitomizing the phenomenon of Chinese Muslim simultaneity.--Book jacket.

1. General Introduction; 2. The Significance of Cross-cultural Missionary Translation; 3. Literature Review of Previous Studies on Missionary Translation: 1) Lamin Sanneh and the Translatability of Christianity; 2) Eugene Nida and the Christianization of Vocabulary; 3) Charles Kraft's Receptor-Oriented Communication Theory and William Smalley's Dynamic Equivalence Bible Translation; 4) The Post-colonial Translation Theories of Vincente Rafael and Tejaswani Niranjana; 4. The Thesis of the Study; 5. The Scope and Plan of the Study

CH. I. THE LATE SIXTEENTH-CENTURY EUROPEAN BACKGROUND OF THE EARLY JESUIT MISSIONARIES: RENAISSANCE HUMANISM AND THE INFLUENCE OF JESUIT THOMISM: 1. Introduction; 2. Renaissance Humanism and the Early Jesuit Educators; 3. The Jesuit Thomism at the Collegio Romano in the Late Sixteenth Century; 4. Thomas Aquinas' View on Human Capacity to Comprehend the Knowledge of God: Matteo Ricci's Application; 5. Thomas Aquinas on the Naming of God: Matteo Ricci's Application

CH. II. THE EARLY JESUIT MISSIONARIES' TRANSLATION OF THE DIVINE NAME: CASE STUDIES FROM JAPAN, PERU AND SOUTH INDIA: 1. Introduction; 2. Francis Xavier and Anjiro in Japan: The Dainichi 大日 Episode; 3. José de Acosta's Dios and the Peruvian Chroniclers' Viracocha and Pachacamac; 4. The "Relocated" Missionary Role of Roberto de Nobili and the "Relocated" Divine Name; in South India, Sarv>0uran

CH. III. MATTEO RICCI'S TRANSLATION OF THE DIVINE NAME, SHANGTI 上帝 AND THE WESTERN MISSIONARIES' RESPONSES: 1. The Divine Names of the Christian God Before Matteo Ricci: 1) The Nestorians' Strange Names of God: Buddha 佛陀, I-shen 一神 and Aloho 阿羅訶 ; 2) T'ien 天 as the Jewish YHWH among the Kaifeng 開封 Chinese Jews ; 3) The Franciscan Mission and the "Confused" Divine Names in the Multi-Linguistic Mongol-Yüan 元 Dynasty ; 4) Juan Cobo's Liao-shih 僚氏 in the T'ien-chu-chiao Shih-i 天主教實義 ; 5) Michele Ruggieri's T'ienchu 天主in the T'ien-chu Shih-lu 天主實錄 ; 2. Matteo Ricci's Identification of Deus with the Confucian Shangti: 1) The Missionary Life of Matteo Ricci: A Brief Biographical Survey ; 2) The Christian God Shangti in the T'ien-chu Shih-i 天主實義; 3. The Western Missionaries' Responses to the Riccian Term Shangti: 1) Introduction: The Early Chinese Term Controversy and the Chiating 嘉定Conference in 1628; 2) The Pro-Riccian Jesuits: A. Álvaro Semedö 曾德照 (1585-1658) in the Relação de Grande Monarquia de China; B. Alfonso Vagnoni 高一志 (1566-1640) in De nomine Xamti et Tien nomine Dei siu lus; 3) The Anti-Riccian Jesuits: A. Nicolo Longobardi 龍華民 (1565-1654) in the Responsio of 1623. B. João Rodrigues 陸若漢in the Letter of January 22, 1616; 4. Shangti and T'ienchu after 1644: A Brief Historical Survey.

CH. IV. Chinese Responses to the Strange Name of the Christian God: Shangti and T'ien of Neo-Confucianism; 2. The Divided Responses of Ming Intellectuals to the Divine Name of the Christian God, Shangti: 1) Introduction; 2) The Responses of the "Serving" Chinese Christians: A. Hsü Kuang-ch'i (1562-1633); B. Li Chih-tsao (1565-1630); C. Yang T'ing-yün (1562-1627); 3) The Responses of the "Permitting" Liberal Confucian Scholars: A. Li Tai (ca. 1531-1607); B. Yeh Hsiang-kao (1562-1627); C. Li Chih (1527-1602); D. Tsou Yüan-piao (1551-1624); E. Unidentified Confucian Scholars' Views in the Responsio; 4) The Responses of the "Opposing" Anti-Christian Intellectuals: A. Chu-hung (1535-1615) and the T'ien-shuo Sih-p'ien; B. Shen Ch'üeh, (?-1624) and the Nanking Persecution; C. Hsü Ch'ang-chih and his Collection of Anti-Christian Literature, the Shengch'ao P'o-hsieh-chi 聖朝破邪集 -- CONCLUSION: The Strange and Familiar Names of God in Cross-Cultural Missionary Translation: A Chinese Case -- Bibliography -- Index

The True Meaning of the Lord of Heaven (T'ien-chu shih-i) / [by Matteo Ricci] ; Translated with introduction and notes by D. Lancashire and P. Hu Kuo-chen 胡國楨.
Chinese-English edition edited by Edward Malatesta.
Also published: Taipei : Institut Ricci (physical state differs, xviii, 481, [71] p.).
Taipei ed. includes Ricci's Latin summary and Chinese appendix with related articles excerpted from Shenxue lunji 神學論集. Chinese and English on opposite pages, with summary in Latin.

"Matteo Ricci (1552-1610) pioneered the modern cultural and religious encounter between China and Europe. The present volume allows us to read for the first time in English a translation of Ricci’s most famous work of Christian apologetics."

Bibliography: p. 469-478. Includes index.
Title: Tianzhu shiyi 天主實義.

The True Meaning of the Lord of Heaven (Tien-chu shih-i) / [By Matteo Ricci] ; Translated with introduction and notes by D. Lancashire and P. Hu Kuo-chen 胡國楨.
Chinese-English edition edited by Edward Malatesta.
Also published: Taipei : Institut Ricci (physical state differs, xviii, 481, [71] p.)
Taipei ed. includes Ricci's Latin summary and Chinese appendix with related articles excerpted from Shenxue lunji 神學論集.
Chinese and English on opposite pages, with summary in Latin.

"Matteo Ricci (1552-1610) pioneered the modern cultural and religious encounter between China and Europe. The present volume allows us to read for the first time in English a translation of Ricci’s most famous work of Christian apologetics."

Bibliography: p. 473-482. Includes index.
Dig.pdf. local access [Ricci-TrueMeaning.pdf]

"In connection with the Rites Controversy towards the end of the seventeenth century, several Chinese literati wrote important essays explaining the issues from a Chinese perspective .... Yan Mo (baptised as Paul, suigong 1709) wrote ... Di Tian kao 帝天考 (Investigation of Lord and Heaven), a discussion of the usage of Tianzhu 天主(Lord of Heaven) with the terms Tian 天and Shangdi 上帝 as found in the classics such as the Shujing 書經 and Shijing 詩經, as well as the works of Confucius and Mencius.-- Cf. Standaert, Handbook of Christianity in China, vol. 1, p. 434.

本書據梵蒂岡敎廷圖書館藏手抄本編輯整理.
Cover illustration: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana. Rac. Gen. Or. III-248 (10)
明末淸初耶穌会思想文献汇编 = An expository collection of the Christian philosophical works between the end of the Ming dynasty and the beginning of the Qing dynasty in China ; 第38册.

Local access dig.pdf. in folder: [Andrew Chung Series].

"In connection with the Rites Controversy towards the end of the seventeenth century, several Chinese literati wrote important essays explaining the issues from a Chinese perspective .... Yan Mo (baptised as Paul, suigong 1709) wrote ... Di Tian kao 帝天考 (Investigation of Lord and Heaven), a discussion of the usage of Tianzhu 天主(Lord of Heaven) with the terms Tian 天 and Shangdi 上帝 as found in the classics such as the Shujing 書經 and Shijing 詩經, as well as the works of Confucius and Mencius.-- Cf. Standaert, Handbook of Christianity in China, vol. 1, p. 434.

Full bio-bibliographical note: Ad Dudink & Nicolas Standaert, Chinese Christian Texts Database (CCT-Database).

Includes Tianzhu shiyi yuanwen 天主實義原文 [72 p. following p. 224; each page represents two leaves of the original block-print edition, copied from the Jesuit Archives].

Tianzhu shiyi 天主實義 / Li Madou yuanzhu 利瑪竇原著 .... 鄭安德編輯.
“本書根據杭州燕貽堂較梓本編輯整理, 由李之藻1607年重刻序"--P. 1 (2nd group)

The Tianzhu shiyi of 1603 and its many later editions, reprints, and translations was by far the most influential Catholic catechism in China, and its influence lasted well beyond the 17th century. Like the classics of Confucianism, it is written in the form of a dialogue, in this case between a Chinese and a Western scholar. Based on natural theology, it sought to explain fundamental Christian ideas through argumentation and applied reason. Ricci uses rational arguments to prove the existence of God, preparing the background until the final chapter where he explains the incarnation of God in Jesus Christ and his ascension without including the passion and crucifixion. Quoting the Chinese Classics to demonstrate the ancient Chinese had natural knowledge of God, Ricci’s approach was in accord with the Thomistic view that reason had its own value, and resembled Valignano’s methods in the Catechismus Christianae Fidei (1586).

明末清初耶穌會思想文獻匯編 = An expository collection of the Christian philosophical works between the end of the Ming dynasty and the beginning of the Qing dynasty in China ; 第2冊.

Local access dig.pdf. in folder: [Andrew Chung Series].

Tianzhu shiyi 天主實義 / Li Madou shu 利瑪竇述.
N.B. Library copy imperfect: cover, colophon, etc. wanting. Rebound with stitched in cover paper. No date. (see OCLC record).

The Tianzhu shiyi of 1603 and its many later editions, reprints, and translations was by far the most influential Catholic catechism in China, and its influence lasted well beyond the 17th century. Like the classics of Confucianism, it is written in the form of a dialogue, in this case between a Chinese and a Western scholar. Based on natural theology, it sought to explain fundamental Christian ideas through argumentation and applied reason. Ricci uses rational arguments to prove the existence of God, preparing the background until the final chapter where he explains the incarnation of God in Jesus Christ and his ascension without including the passion and crucifixion. Quoting the Chinese Classics to demonstrate the ancient Chinese had natural knowledge of God, Ricci’s approach was in accord with the Thomistic view that reason had its own value, and resembled Valignano’s methods in the Catechismus Christianae Fidei (1586).

See Tianzhu shiyi 天主實義. [Jap-Sin I, 44] etc. for Albert Chan description.
Cf. Chinese Christian Texts Database (CCT-Database).

The Tianzhu shiyi of 1603 and its many later editions, reprints, and translations was by far the most influential Catholic catechism in China, and its influence lasted well beyond the 17th century. Like the classics of Confucianism, it is written in the form of a dialogue, in this case between a Chinese and a Western scholar. Based on natural theology, it sought to explain fundamental Christian ideas through argumentation and applied reason. Ricci uses rational arguments to prove the existence of God, preparing the background until the final chapter where he explains the incarnation of God in Jesus Christ and his ascension without including the passion and crucifixion. Quoting the Chinese Classics to demonstrate the ancient Chinese had natural knowledge of God, Ricci’s approach was in accord with the Thomistic view that reason had its own value, and resembled Valignano’s methods in the Catechismus Christianae Fidei (1586).
Local access: [Ricci-TianzhuShiyi1603Rv.pdf]

Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu (ARSI) edition. Ex. Japonica-Sinica
Digital copy in .tiff format, 4¾ CDROM + .PDF.
CD-ROM contents: Tianzhu shiyi 天主實義 [JapSin I-44] -- Manwen Tianzhu shiyi 滿文天主實義 (Abkai ejen-i unenggi jurgan) [JapSin I-48a-b] -- Jiaoyou lun 交友論 [JapSin I-49] -- Jiren shipian 畸人十篇 [JapSin I-52] -- Tianxue shiyi 天學實義 [JapSin I-53a] -- Tianzhu Shengjiao shilu 天主聖教實錄 [JapSin I-54] -- Tianzhu shilu 天主實錄 [JapSin I-189] -- Tianzhu shilu 天主實錄 [JapSin I-190]

JapSin I, 44
Tianzhu shiyi 天主實義
By Li Madou 利瑪竇 (Matteo Ricci, 1552–1610).
Two juan in one volume. Published by the Yanyitang 燕貽堂 in Hangzhou 杭州 in 1607 (Wanli 35).

The cover bears the title (with the character quan 全 [complete]) and a Latin inscription: "Dei solida Ratio | Liber sinicus editus | à Patre Mathaeo Riccio Soc^tis Jesu."

There is a preface written by Li Zhizao 李之藻 in the Wanli period, without date. Another preface by Feng Yingjing 馮塋京 is dated 1601 (Wanli 29). An introduction was written by Ricci himself in 1603 (Wanli 31).
Both juan 1 and 2 bear the title in Chinese and the number of the juan. Then follows the inscription: 耶穌會中人利瑪竇述, 燕貽堂校梓 (Narrated by Li Madou of the Society of Jesus; edited by the Yenyitang).
The upper center of each folio bears the title, with the number of the juan and of the folio. Each half folio contains nine columns and twenty characters in each column. The format is clearly that of the Ming period.
Li Zhizao tells us that his friend Wang Mengpu 汪孟樸 (i.e., Wang Ruchun 汪汝淳, see Jap-Sin I, 45) had this book re-engraved in Hangzhou (cf. Jap-Sin I, 45) and showed great admiration for its style and thought. The Brevis Relatio (1654) of Martini also mentions the most elegant style (“elegantissimo stylo compositus”).

In his Della Entrata Ricci says that this book is necessary for missioners, in particular for newcomers to China who were often asked about diverse subjects which it was not always possible to discuss orally, especially when the Chinese visitors, after hearing the replies, wished to have a book on the problems (FR 2:299–301). D’Elia gives a list of the scholars with whom Ricci held dialogues which are recorded in the Tianzhu shiyi (FR 2:300, n. 1).

With regard to the editions, the Vatican Library has two copies dated 1603 (Wanli 31): R.G. Oriente III, 223 (11–12) and III, 247 (1–2); the Biblioteca Casanatense in Rome has a copy dated 1603 (m. 2136 GI1). Fang Hao quotes Henri Bernard who claimed that the Tianzhu shiyi was printed in 1584 in Zhaoqing 肇慶 (Guangdong) with the title Xinbian Xitianzhuguo Tianzhu shilu 新編西天竺國天主實錄 and that this title was later changed to Tianxue shiyi 天學實義. Seemingly someone had confused it with the catechism by Ruggieri which was published in the year 1584 with this title.

Pfister, on the other hand, says that Ricci’s book was first published in 1595 in Nanchang 南昌 (Jiangxi). He also says that the Tianxue shiyi was first published in Beijing in the year 1601. These statements do not seem quite correct. According to D’Elia the Tianxue shiyi was started by Ricci in 1595 at the request of Alessandro Valignano. By 16 December 1596 the latter had announced that Ricci was writing another Catechism (i.e., besides that of Ruggieri’s Tianzhu shilu), which “will be far more suitable and better arranged than that which was brought to Rome by Father Miguel Rugerio.” The book, however, was not published until 1603 (cf. FR, vol. I, No. 493; Fang Hao 1969, 2:1602). Between 1603 and 1608 there were four editions. The Guangdong edition of 1605 was made for Japan. When Li Zhizao compiled the Tianxue chuhan 天學初函 in 1629 (Chongzhen 2), this work of Ricci was included in the collection. The fourth edition of the Yanyitang bears no date. For later editions, see Fang Hao 1969, 2:1602.
Cf. Courant 6820, 6821, 6822–6823, 6825 I, 6826 and 6827 (all Yenyitang editions).
Source: Albert Chan, SJ, Chinese Books and Documents in the Jesuit Archives in Rome, pp. 72-77.

Full text citation see Ad Dudink & Nicolas Standaert, Chinese Christian Texts Database.
Local access only: [TZSYJapSin_I-44.pdf]

Tianzhu shiyi 天主實義 [JapSin I, 45]. See also Jap-Sin I, 44.

JapSin I, 45
Tianzhu shiyi 天主實義.
By Li Madou 李瑪竇 (Matteo Ricci).
Two juan in two volumes. Chinese bamboo paper. Published in 1607 (Wanli 35) in Hangzhou 杭州 by the Yanyitang 燕貽堂. In the present copy folio 18 is missing and folio 48 is misplaced.

The cover bears a Latin inscription: “P. Mathaei Riccii S.J. | de vero Deo | tomo 1–2.” Inside the cover the same inscription is written on a red label. The first volume includes a sheet containing the romanization of the first three lines of folio 1 and in the second volume there are four romanized lines together with the meaning of each word (reproduced in FR, vol. 2, after p. 292, tavola XVIII). D’Elia attributes the handwriting to Ricci: “Mandato dal Ricci | all Acquaviva il 26. luglio 1605 | o il 22 ag. 1608 | e da lui stesso annotato. (traduzione e romanizzazione delle 3 prime linee del 1^o volume e delle 4 prime linee del 2^o volume. Tacchi I, 359. 26. 9. 34. P. D’Elia, S.J.”
[Author’s note: Comparing the handwriting of this romanization with specimens of Ricci’s preserved in the Jesuit Archives, D’Elia’s identification becomes questionable.]

This edition is identical with Jap-Sin I, 44, except for the addition of a postscript by Wang Ruchun 汪汝淳 (two folios), at the end of which there are two seals, one bearing the name Wang Ruchun and the other Wang Mengpu 汪孟樸. These two seals help us to identify the zi of Wang Ruchun as Mengpu, and this zi is mentioned by Li Zhizao in his preface. Wang signed as xiucai of Xindu 新都諸生. The Yanyitang must have been the name of his family hall. Both Bernard and Courant made the mistake by describing it as a church “église.” Wang Ruchun was not a Catholic, but he seems to have been interested in Catholic belief and even in Western science. The Tongwen suanzhi 同文算指, a book on arithmetic by Ricci, also bears the name of Wang Ruchun as its publisher (cf. Jap-Sin II, 11).
On 22 August 1608, when Ricci wrote to Father Acquaviva, the general of the Jesuits, he alluded to the Tianzhu shiyi, published the year before in Hangzhou: “Un altro nostro amico sebene gentile, lo [il Catechismo] fece anco ristampare nella sua provincia di Cechiano [浙江], di molto bella lettera . . .” (FR 2:175, n. 3). It was this edition of 1607 that Li Zhizao incorporated in the Tianxue chuhan 天學初函 collection. Colombel relates that “pendant les années 1604 et 1605, le Docteur Léon est en disgrâce. Il rentre à Hang-tchou, en son pays, y corrige le catechisme du P. Ricci et le fait imprimer et fait déjà de catechumènes en cette ville” (Colombel 1:175).
Neither Hsü Tsung-tse nor Courant mention the postscript by Wang Ruchun. In it the term Shangdi was still freely used instead of Tianzhu.

Citation source: Albert Chan, S.J., Chinese Books and Documents in the Jesuit Archives in Rome, pp. 74-75.

The true meaning of the Lord of Heaven = Tianzhu shiyi 天主實義 / Matteo Ricci ; revised edition by Thierry Meynard, S.J. ; translated by Douglas Lancashire and Peter Hu Kuo-chen, S.J.
Chinese and English on opposite pages, with summary in Latin.
Includes bibliographical references (385-398) and index.

Editor's preface – Introduction: The life of Matteo ricci – History of the composition and publication of The true meaning of the Lord of Heaven -- The present English translation – Ricci’s viewpoint and the contents of the work – A detailed outline of The true meaning of the Lord of Heaven -- The terminology – Reactions to Ricci’s work – A contemporary evaluation -- The true meaning of the Lord of Heaven : the Chinese text, English translation, and notes -- Appendix : Ricci's Latin summary of The true meaning of the Lord of Heaven.

"For two thousand years explorers, merchants, missionaries, and diplomats have been building bridges between China and the West. In the late sixteenth century, Matteo Ricci, an Italian Jesuit, initiated a more direct encounter between Chinese culture and Western Christianity, which has continued ever since. One of Ricci's most famous works, The true meaning of the Lord of heaven, was written in Chinese in form of a dialogue. In it, Ricci attempted to introduce Chinese literati to some of the fundamental ideas of the Judeo-Christian tradition. Based upon conversations Ricci had with Chinese scholars, this work allows us to get a sense of how he explained to his Chinese friends Western views about the purpose of life, human nature, and the existence of God. This revised bilingual edition of the first translation of Ricci's text into English (St. Louis: Institute of Jesuit Sources, 1985) helps us, by means of a substantial introduction and footnotes, to situate Ricci's dialogue in its religious and cultural context.."-- Back cover.

Local access dig.pdf. [Ricci-Meynard-True Meaning.pdf]

220p. (124 images), each represents two pages of the original. Pages divided in half: top half in Ricci's original Chinese, bottom half in modern (1940's) colloquial.
Local access Dig.pdf. [TZSY with Modern.pdf]