"Shanxi community ... Duoshu, arranged around the six moral instructions of the Sacred Edict (Shengyu 聖諭) of the founder of the Ming, is a "community contract" (xiangyue 鄉約) which has the same aim on the community level... ; Duoshu ("The Book of the Warning Bell") the first one of the Six Maxims of the first Ming Emperor, "Be filial towards your parents," is explained as the worldly counterpart of "loving our Great Father-and-Mother"... So the message of the Duoshu is that the doctrine of the Lord of Heaven is a useful instrument for the improvement of society. Han Lin's explanations of the Six Maxims, found in the Holy Edict, are based on both Confucian and Christian arguments, not placed in juxtaposition (as an eclectic would do), but used to support each other, as the true syncretist does..." )"--Cf. Standaert, Handbook of Christianity in China, p. 424, 643, 658.
In volume 2 of: Xujiahui cangshulou Ming Qing Tianzhujiao wenxian 徐家匯藏書樓明清天主教文獻.
For complete contents see: Standaert, Nicolas, Xujiahui cangshulou Ming Qing Tianzhujiao wenxian 徐家匯藏書樓明清天主教 文獻.
For a description of all 37 texts, see the catalog of the Fujen Zikawei collection in Sino-Western Cultural Relations Journal XVIII (1996), or see individual records.

JapSin I, 144
Duoshu 鐸書.
By Han Lin 韓霖. One juan. Chinese bamboo paper in two volumes. No date or place of publication.

The cover of volume two bears the title in Chinese, while the cover of volume one bears a Latin inscription: “To xu, seu sex | articuli doctrinae | Sinis tradi iussae sin | gulis mensibus; -- explicati fusius | a christiano licentiato | Han Lin | 2 tomi.”

Cf. Courant 3326; Hsü 1949, pp. 137–140.

Han Lin (zi 雨公, hao 寓菴), scholar and official, was a native of Jiangzhou 絳州 (Shanxi). He became a senior licentiate (suigong 歲貢) in 1617 and a jinshi in 1621. While in Beijing he made the acquaintance of Xu Guangqi and Alfonso Vagnone. Later he was baptized by Aleni, taking the Christian name Thomas. He had inherited a valuable library from his forefathers and had increased the collection by his wide travelling.
At his native place Han Lin led many of his relatives into the Church. Both he and his fellow townsman Duan Gun 段袞 (zi 九章) became zealous assistants of Vagnone, when he came to found the mission in Shanxi. Besides the Duoshu Han Lin also wrote in collaboration with his friend Zhang Geng 張賡 the Shengjiao xinzheng 聖教信證 (Proofs of the Christian religion), cf. Jap-Sin I, 191.
According to the gazetteers of Jiangzhou, Han Lin seems to have lost his life while hiding from bandits when they took that city in 1644, but the circumstances of his death are not clear; cf. Ye Delu 葉德祿, “Qianlong Jiangzhou zhi zhi Han Lin 乾隆絳州志之韓霖”, in: Xin beichen 新北辰, vol. 3, no. 8 (1937).

For the biography of Han Lin and his three brothers, cf. ECCP 1:274–275; Margiotti, pp. 310–318; JWC 1:253–258; Pfister, p. 212.
Source: Albert Chan, S.J., Chinese Books and Documents in the Jesuit Archives in Rome, pp. 190-191.

Full bibliographic citation, see: Ad Dudink & Nicolas Standaert, Chinese Christian Texts Database (CCT-Database).

Pantoja's Septem Victoriis (Qike 七克) and the Reconstruction of the Moral Authority in late Ming China / Haitao Peng.

TESI DOCTORAL UPF / 2020. DIRECTOR: Dr. Manel Ollé Rodríguez
INSTITUT D’HISTÒRIA JAUME VICENS I VIVES / DEPARTAMENT D’HUMANITATS

Includes bibliographical references (p.229-243)

Local access dig.pdf [Peng-Septem Victoriis.pdf]

See Japonica-Sinica eds. for more information

Abstract
The thesis aims to analyze the role of Septem Victoriis (Qike 七克), an moral philosophy book of the Spanish Jesuit Diego de Pantoja, in the process of the reconstruction of the moral authority in late Ming China. Since the beginning of the 16th century, China was undergoing a severe social-political crisis. The orthodox literati attributed the social-political crisis to the decline of moral authority and proposed to re-establish moral authority and the highest moral standards. The preaching of God as the source of moral principles and the ultimate goal of moral conduct in Pantoja’s book attracted the orthodox literati. They reinterpreted the book of the Spanish Jesuit and even modified it to meet their own need. As a result, Septem Victoriis (Qike 七克) wielded a specific influence in the development of moral philosophy in the late Ming and early Qing periods.

Resumen
La tesis tiene como objetivo analizar el papel de Septem Victoriis (Qike 七克), un libro de filosofía moral del jesuita español Diego de Pantoja, en el proceso de reconstrucción de la autoridad moral a finales del período Ming. Desde principios del siglo XVI, China atravesaba una grave crisis sociopolítica. Los literati ortodoxos atribuyeron la crisis sociopolítica al declive de la autoridad moral y propusieron restablecerlo y los más altos estándares de moralidad. La predicación de Dios como fuente de principios morales y el objetivo final de la conducta moral en el libro de Pantoja atrajo a los literatu ortodoxos. Reinterpretaron el libro del jesuita español e incluso lo modificaron para satisfacer sus propias necesidades. Por este motivo, Septem Victoriis (Qike 七克) ejerció una influencia específica en el desarrollo de la filosofía moral en el período de finales de Ming y principios de Qing.

Qike zhenxun 七克真訓 / Sījiào Shāwùlüè Gù zhun  司教沙勿略顧准.

Annonymous simplified adaptation of Diego de Pantoja's Qike 七克. This edition appears similar to the ARSI Japonica-Sinica issue described below.
Digital pdf watermarked Fu Jen Catholic University. 
At head of title: Maison Mere des Soeurs Missionaires de L’Immaculée-Conception, Montreal, Canada.

Handwritten on covers: Ts’at⁴ hak⁴ tchan¹ fan^{3  --} (L'enseignement des sept varies victoires (à remporter sur les 7 péchés capitaux). 2 tomes 1857

This edition not in OCLC. See CCT link below.  

Jap-Sin I, 177
Qike zhenxun 七克眞訓
By a Lazarist missioner.
Two juan. Chinese bamboo paper in two volumes. Shanghai, 1857.

The preface, dated 1857, by Monsignor François-Xavier Danicourt, Lazarist 味增爵會士沙勿略顧， Vicar Apostolic of Chekiang, says that in 1856 (Xianfeng 6) he had found this book in the residence in Henan province and was pleased with its extensive explanations. He then had it published as a means of having this good work preserved, at the same time hoping that by its circulation great good might be produced in its readers.
To understand the title of this book (Faithful explanation of the Qike) we must refer to Diego de Pantoja (龐迪我), whose book Qike 七克( cf. Jap-Sin 1, 84, 85, 86) was well received by scholars, even among the pagans. That book, however, is written in the classical style and is not easily understood by the common people. The author of the Qike zhenxun set out to write a book based on the Qike, but in a simple style and with fuller explanations so as to help the less educated to understand it.
The Qike zhenxun is a popular book, as can be seen from the number of editions in different places: Lazarist Press (Peking, 1904), Nazareth Press (Hong Kong, 1910, 1925), Tou-sè-wè Press (Shanghai, 1922), Imprimerie de la Mission de Sinhsien (Tianjin, 1933), Catholic Mission (Tsinanfu ?) and St. Paul's Press (Yanzhou Fu, Shandong, 1937).

Cf. Pfister, p. 72; Courant 7186一7187 ; JWC 1:145-146; Streit, BM 13 :84.

Source: A. Chan, Chinese Books and Documents in the Jesuit Archives in Rome, p. 243.

Ad Dudink & Nicolas Standaert, Chinese Christian Texts Database (CCT-Database)

Local access dig.pdf. [Qike zhenxun.pdf]

“....One of the most popular works on Christian ethics was Diego de Pantoja’s (1571-1618) Qike 七克 (The Seven Victories). In a lengthy exposition it explained how one should overcome the seven capital sins: pride, envy, greed, anger, gluttony, lust, and sloth. The scholars who wrote a preface to the work showed a sense that these Seven Victories might be enlisted in the attempt to rouse China from its complacency and the literati from their self-indulgence. It was considered a text that contained useful and sound moral advice, regardless of one’s theological predilections. Moreover, they assimilated this book on deadly sins with the Chinese genre of “ledgers of merit and demerit”... (gongguoge 功過格)... a type of morality book during the early seventeenth century .... lists of virtues and moral actions..." -- Cf. Standaert, Handbook of Christianity in China, v.1, p. 655-656.

Please refer to Japonica-Sinica edition for online texts, links, and Fr. Albert Chan, S.J. extensive bibliographical entry.
This edition online at National Library of Australia.

Qike 七克 / Diego de Pantoja 龐迪我 (Seven Capital sins and seven opposing virtues) in Tianxue chuhan 天學初函 v.2, pp. 689-1126.
Originally published: 明萬曆42 [1614].
Local access in print (bound photocopy) and dig. pdf. [Tianxue chuhan.pdf].

See also: 京都: 始胎大堂 1798 edition online at National Library of Australia.
Juan 4, 5, 6, see: Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, München.
Full citation see: Ad Dudink & Nicolas Standaert, Chinese Christian Texts Database (CCT-Database).

“….One of the most popular works on Christian ethics was Diego de Pantoja’s (1571-1618) Qike 七克 (The Seven Victories). In a lengthy exposition it explained how one should overcome the seven capital sins: pride, envy, greed, anger, gluttony, lust, and sloth. The scholars who wrote a preface to the work showed a sense that these Seven Victories might be enlisted in the attempt to rouse China from its complacency and the literati from their self-indulgence. It was considered a text that contained useful and sound moral advice, regardless of one’s theological predilections. Moreover, they assimilated this book on deadly sins with the Chinese genre of “ledgers of merit and demerit” … (gongguoge 功過格)….a type of morality book during the early seventeenth century…..lists of virtues and moral actions…”
Cf. Standaert, Handbook of Christianity in China, v.1, p. 655-656.

See also: Robert R. Ellis, They Need Nothing: Hispanic-Asian Encounters of the Colonial Period, pp.98-101.

Following descriptions apply to ARSI Jap-Sin collection:

Jap-Sin I, 84
Qike 七克
By Pang Diwo 龐迪我 (Diego de Pantoja, 1571–1618).
Seven juan (only juan 1–3 are preserved). Chinese bamboo paper in one volume.
The cover bears the title.

There are six prefaces, written by:
1. Chen Liangcai 陳亮采 , Vice Surveillance Commissioner of Shantung, four folios.
2. Cao Yubian 曹于汴, a native of Shansi.
3. Zheng Yiwei 鄭以偉 of Shangyao 上饒 (Jiangsi), four folios.
4. Xiong Mingyu 熊明遇 of Nanzhou 南州 (Nanchang 南昌, Jiangsi), two folios.
5. Yang Tingyun 楊廷筠 of Wulin 武林 (Hangzhou), four and one-half folios.
6. De Pantoja, dated 1607, three folios with the seal of the Society of Jesus at the end.

After the prefaces follows a table of contents (one folio). At the beginning of each juan there is a short introduction by Cui Chang 崔淐 of Jiangdong 江東 (Southern Zhili); cf. Sommervogel (vol. VI, col. 174, no. 8): “Un Chrétien nommé Tsoui tchang, dit le P. Foureau, qui avait aidé le Père en ce travail, a mis une préface de sa façon à chacun des sept chapitres, dans laquelle il a inséré plusieurs fables d’Ésope . . . (Cordier, p. 35).” The introduction to juan 3, however, is missing.
There are nine columns in each half folio. The first column of each paragraph has twenty-two characters and the other columns twenty-one. The upper middle of each folio bears the title, with the number of the juan and of the folio given below.
Colombel states: “ . . . le P. Pantoja, compagnon du P. Mathieu depuis les premières années de son séjour à Pékin. Le P. Pantoja publiait à cette époque un livre resté célèbre, où la collaboration de Siu Koang ki est certaine. Il est intitulé ‘Les Sept Victoires’.” (vol. I, p. 294).
Cf. Jap-Sin I, 85 and 86.

Jap-Sin I, 85
Qike 七克
By Pang Diwo 龐迪我
Seven juan. Chinese bamboo paper in four volumes.
The cover of each volume bears a Latin inscription, giving the title, the author of the book and the number of the juan. Inside the cover of each volume there is a red label giving the author, the title of the book and the number of the juan. The format of this book is the same as that of Jap-Sin I, 84, except for an additional preface (six and one-half folios) by Cui Chang 崔淐 dated Wanli 39 (1611, 辛亥 ). The preface by Yang Tingyun goes before that of Chen Liangcai. There is a short introduction by Cui Chang before each juan.
At the end of the last volume there is a postscript (one folio) by Wang Ruchun 汪汝淳 (cf. Jap-Sin I, 45), dated Wanli jiayin 甲寅 (1614), which indicates that the book was published in that year in Hangzhou and probably is a new edition.

Jap-Sin I, 86
Qike 七克
By Pang Diwo 龐迪我 (Diego de Pantoja).
Seven juan Chinese bamboo paper in three volumes. Re-engraved by the Lingbaotang 領報堂 (Church of the Annunciation) of Peking in 1694 (Kangxi 33).
The cover bears the title.

The first folio bears at the back the title in two large characters. The top right gives the date of re-engraving and the lower left the place of publication.
Compared with Jap-Sin I, 84 this edition has an additional preface (one and one-half folio) by Peng Duanwu 彭端吾 of Dangjun 碭郡 with the heading Ti Xisheng qipian xu 題西聖七篇序 (Preface to the seven treatises of the Western sage). Yang Tingyun’s preface comes after that of Chen Liangcai in block letters, while those of Chen and Cui Chang remain in handwritten style. The preface by Zheng Yiwei is omitted. At the end of de Pantoja’s preface there are two seals, the upper one bearing the name of the author and the lower one his zi (Shunyang 順陽).
There are nine columns in every half folio. The first column of each paragraph contains twenty-one and the rest of the paragraph twenty characters in each column. The upper middle of each folio bears the title with the number of the juan and of the folio marked below.
Cf. Pfister, pp. 71–72; Hsü 1949, pp. 51–56; Courant 7177–7185; BR, p. XXX; Couplet, p. 9.
Source: Albert Chan, S.J., Chinese books and documents in the Jesuit Archives in Rome, pp. 136-138.

Shanzhong zhugong guili 善終助功規例 / [Fu Ruowang zhu 伏若望著].
OCLC record and series table of contents substitute 諸 for 助.

JapSin I, 186
Shanzhong zhugong guili 善終助功規例
By Fu Ruowang 伏若望 (João Fróis, 1591–1638).
One juan. Bamboo paper in one volume.
Reprinted by the Yuedantang 曰旦堂at Jianwu 建武 (Jianchang 建昌, Jiangxi).
No date of publication.

Wieger’s catalogue (WH) mistakenly gives Furtado as the author of this book.

The frontispiece bears the emblem of the Society of Jesus. The verso of this folio gives the title of the book and the name of the author. There were three censors of the book: Manuel Dias Jr. 陽瑪諾, Lazzaro Cattaneo 郭居靜 and Pedro Ribeiro 黎寧石. The imprimatur was given by Francisco Furtado, then Vice-Provincial.
There is an introduction on a happy death (two folios). The main text consists of forty-nine folios. There are seven columns in each half folio with fifteen characters in each column. The middle of each folio bears the title: Shanzhong zhugong 善終助功; the number of the folio is given below. At the end of the last folio there is an inscription, which gives the place of publication: 建武曰旦堂重梓.
The purpose of this book is given in the introduction, which states that to be good while living in this world is a difficult task, and that it is even more difficult to obtain a good death at the moment of leaving this world. It then goes on to say that a good death is founded on leading a good life. Once the relevance of this truth is realized one should not shrink from doing good while there is still time. What comes after is unknown to us. The last moment when one is on one’s deathbed is the most difficult hour of one’s life. There is great need for somebody to assist the dying man that he may have a happy death. The method given in this book serves as a help in doing this.
Cf. Jap-Sin I, 112.

Source: Albert Chan, Chinese Books and Documents in the Jesuit Archives in Rome, p. 248.

Full bibliographical details see: Ad Dudink & Nicolas Standaert, Chinese Christian Texts Database (CCT-Database)

In vol. 17 of: Xujiahui cangshulou Ming-Qing Tianzhujiao wenxian xubian 徐家匯藏書樓明清天主教文獻續編. -- 42. 天階 （潘國光 Francesco Brancati）

"..... a short meditation or pious thought for 30 occasions or moments during the day, from the early morning to the late evening (see ’table of contents’). "The author teaches how during all daily activities, even the most simple ones, one can elevate one’s soul to God, while observing the infinite perfections of God in material objects and thanking him for his blessings and accepting the hardships of life with resignation. The style of this text is simple and the thoughts are pious" (Pfister, in translation). The text opens (f. 1a3) with referring to an admonition expressed by Jesus: 吾主耶穌在世訓十二宗徒曰 爾當恆求天主而無倦 (cf. Luke 18:1, “And he spoke a parable unto them to this end, that men ought always to pray, and not to faint”)" --Cf. Ad Dudink & Nicolas Standaert, Chinese Christian Texts Database (CCT-Database).

Tianjie 天階 / 潘國光.
Print edition. Mss. reproduced in Xujiahui cangshulou Ming-Qing Tianzhujiao wenxian xubian 徐家匯藏書樓明清天主教文獻續編, vol. 17, pp. 495-518.

Note: The surmise (below) that this text is an adaptation of Bellarmine's De ascensione mentis in Deum per scalas creaturarum opusculum is incorrect. See: Ad Dudink & Nicolas Standaert, Chinese Christian Texts Database (CCT-Database)

JapSin I, 107
Tianjie 天階.
By Pan Guoguang 潘國光 (Francesco Brancati, 1607–1671).
One juan. Chinese bamboo paper in one volume. No date or place of publication.

The cover bears the title in handwriting and a Latin inscription: “Caeli scala, sive piae | mentis elevationes | a. p. Franc. Brancati, S.J.”

Folio 1 gives the title and the name of the author. There are eight columns in each half folio. On the upper middle of the folio the title is given together with the number of the folio. The booklet contains ten folios.
According to Sommervogel (t. II, col. 81) this booklet is probably a translation from one of the works of St. Robert Bellarmine. It has for its purpose the lifting up of the hearts of the faithful to God in their daily lives.
Cf. Pfister, pp. 228–229, no. 5; Hsü 1949, p. 89; Courant 6964–6967 (Élévation de l’âme vers Dieu); Couplet, p. 31 (Ascensio mentis in Deum ex creaturis).

Source: Albert Chan, S.J., Chinese Books and Documents in the Jesuit Archives in Rome, p. 157.

"Important are the spiritual books that present themselves as guides, compasses, or roads for avoiding evil and proceeding towards heaven: Tianjie 天階 (1650, Brancati)..." Cf. Standaert, Handbook of Christianity in China, v. 1, p. 630.

Cf. Ad Dudink & Nicolas Standaert, Chinese Christian Texts Database (CCT-Database).
Local access dig.pdf. [Brancati-Tianjie.pdf]
Online at Gallica.

On the cover of volume 1 there is a Latin inscription in European ink: “Uen him çuy chao, id est liber de morum compositione a bacchalaureo Kieu Kum Li Thoma Christiano. Continet 5. tomos.” On the cover of volume four there is a Portuguese inscription in Chinese ink: “Composto pelo Pay do Li so leam celebre siam cum do Dor.^e Maygrot.”

The Wenxing cuichao is a collection of ancient sayings and anecdotes chosen to edify the public. Many of these are taken from the writings of contemporary missioners in China and of exemplary converts, such as the Daiyi bian 代疑編 by Michael Yang Tingyun 楊廷筠 (Jap-Sin I, 165b), the Piwang 闢妄 by Paul Xu Guangqi 徐光啟 (Jap-Sin I, 159), the Xingxue cushu 性學觕書 by Giulio Aleni (Jap-Sin II, 16), the Feilu huida 斐錄彙答 by Alfonso Vagnone (Jap-Sin II, 57), the Huanyou quan 寰有詮 by Francisco Furtado and Li Zhizao 李之藻, and the Zhujiao yuanqi 主教緣起 (Jap-Sin II, 36) by Adam Schall. The book is divided under three headings:

1. Chongde 崇德 (the estimation of virtue), juan 1–3.
2. Xiute 修慝 (the betterment of one’s own conduct), juan 4.
3. Bianhuo 辨惑 (the dissipation of doubts), juan 5.

Before each of the these three parts there is a short introduction by Li Yifen 李奕芬 (zi Suoliang 所良), the son of the author.
Cf. Jap-Sin I, 34b; Courant 3433–3434.

Li Jiugong (zi Qixu 其敘) was a native of Fujian. In the preface to his book Lixiu yijian 勵修一鑑 (Jap-Sin I, 166.e), published in 1639 (Chongzhen 12), he tells us that in 1628 (Chongzhen 1) both he and his elder brother Jiubiao 九標 (zi Qixiang 其香) were taking part in the government examinations at Sanshan 三山 (Fujian). It was there that they met Giulio Aleni for the first time. They were much impressed by the Christian doctrine and were soon baptized.

Liu Yunde in his preface gives an interesting account of Li Jiugong’s family. Li’s grandfather was a learned scholar, competent in the classics. The scholar and minister Wang Shimao 王世懋 (1536–1588) thought highly of him. Li Jiugong’s elder brother Jiubiao, an official at the ministry of Ceremonies (太堂寺), was known for his writings. He had written two books: the Shen[Zhen]shu 枕書 and the Kouduo 口鐸 (cf. Jap-Sin I, 81). Then we are told that Jiugong’s son Li Suoliang 李所良 was an accomplished literateur. He passed his provincial examinations with great honor. The Li family was not well off and Li Jiugong made his living as a school teacher.

Cf. JWC 1:259–267, 2:227–230; Répertoire, p. 288 (Liu Yunde).
Source: Albert Chan, SJ, Chinese Books and Documents in the Jesuit Archives in Rome, pp. 28-30.

JapSin I, 34.b
Wenxing cuichao 文行粹抄.
Compiled by Li Jiugong 李九功.
Five juan in five volumes. Chinese bamboo paper. The book is in fairly good condition.

On the cover of volume three there is a Latin inscription in Chinese ink: “Extracta ex libris & historiis auctore Li Kieu cum de Fokien eiusdem patriae cum Ye Colao (葉閣老 Ye Xianggao 葉向高, 1559–1627).”

Xiushen Xixue jinzhu 修身西學今注  [De recta sui ipsius institutione juxta doctrinam Europaeorum] / ǂc (Yi) Gao Yizhi zhu (意) 高一志著; (Fa) Mei Qianli, Tan Jie, Tian Shufeng bian. (法) 梅謙立, 譚傑, 田書峰編註.

Includes bibliographical references (pages 306-316) and index.

1637-1638年, 義大利耶穌會士高一志(Alfonso Vagnone)與數位中國士人在山西綛州(今新綛縣)合作著譯'修身西學', 完整呈現了亞里斯多德主義經院倫理學 的概念與理論系統, 代表了亞里斯多德倫理學在中國的首次系統譯介, 早於晚清西方倫理學的東漸二百餘年.本書由兩部分構成.在第一部分的六 篇研究論文中, 三位學者主要考察'修身西學'的作者於成書過程, 其與兩個拉丁文底本之間的關聯, 以及由其構成的亞里斯多德倫理學在中國的最早傳播. 第二部分透過校註的形式, 全面細緻地展現'修身西學'的核心概念與論述的西方思想來源, 並比較其與中國倫理思想之間的異同之處.