Loacal access dig.pdf. [Baker-Choson Chonjugyo.pdf]

Introduction / D. E. Mungello -- New trends in the historiography of Christianity in China / Nicolas Standaert -- Confucian and Christian religiosity in late Ming China / Erik Zurcher -- Bringing Christ to the nations : shifting models of mission among Jesuits in China / Jean-Paul Wiest.
Book reviews: Japan and Christianity: Impacts and responses (Breen & Williams) / Robt. T. Rush -- Christianity in China from the Eighteenth Century to the Present (Daniel H. Bays) Jean-Paul Wiest -- Jesuit missionary letters from Mindanao, vol. II: Zamboanga-Basilan-Joló Mission (José Arcilla) / R. K. Edgerton.
Dig.pdf. local access [CathHistRev.pdf]

Informatio antiquissima de praxi missionariorum Sinensium Societatis Jesu : circa ritus Sinenses, data in China, jam ab annis 1636. & 1640. / à Francisco Furtado antiquo-Missionario, & Vice-Provinciali Sinensi ejusdem Societatis.

Bound with: Apologia pro decreto S.D.N. Alexandri VII et praxi Jesuitarum circa caerimonias, quibus Sinae Confucium & Progenitores mortuos colunt / ex patrum Dominicanorum & Franciscanorum scriptis concinnata. Lovanii : Apud Aegidium Denique, 1700. [OCLC# 18792133]
52, [10] p. ; 18 cm. (1st work) ; [40] 94 p. ; 18 cm. (2nd work)

The Jesuit reading of Confucius : the first complete translation of the Lunyu (1687) published in the West / by Thierry Meynard, SJ.
Chinese text with the Latin translation of the Lunyu and its commentaries, and their rendition in modern English, with notes.
Includes bibliographical references and index.

"The very name of Confucius is a constant reminder that the foremost sage in China was first known in the West through Latin works. The most influential of these was the 'Confucius Sinarum Philosophus' (Confucius, the Philosopher of China), published in Paris in 1687. For more than two hundred years, Western intellectuals like Leibniz and Voltaire read and meditated on the sayings of Confucius from this Latin version. Thierry Meynard examines the intellectual background of the Jesuits in China and their thought processes in coming to understand the Confucian tradition. He presents a trilingual edition of the Lunyu, including the Chinese text, the Latin translation of the 'Lunyu' and its commentaries, and their rendition in modern English, with notes."--OCLC record.

Table of contents -- Acknowledgments -- List of Illustrations -- Introduction
I. The Genesis of the Sinarum Philosophus and its Prototypes.
II. The Interweaving of Different Chinese Sources.
III. Editorial Choices in Translating the Lunyu.
IV. The Jesuit Reading of the Lunyu and the Image of Confucius.
V. The Life of Confucius and his Portrait.
VI. The Reception of the Lunyu through Two Derivative Works.
Conclusion: Classics in the Global Age.
Trilingual Edition of the Lunyu, with Notes.
The Life of Confucius, Father of Chinese Philosophy.
Appendix. Ming Edition of the Lunyu jizhu with References in the Sinarum Philosophus.
Vocabulary -- Bibliography -- Index.

Local access dig.pdf. [Meynard-Jesuit Reading Confucius.pdf]

JapSin I, (38/42) 42/2
Three manuscripts by Li Jiugong 李九功, bound in one volume of sixty-eight pages.
Source: Albert Chan, SJ, Chinese Books and Documents in the Jesuit Archives in Rome, pp. 68.

JapSin I, (38/42) 42/2a
Lisu mingbian 禮俗明辨.
Given orally by Li Jiugong 李九功 and written down by Li Liangjue 李良爵.
Manuscript, fourteen folios (pp. 1–27). Chinese bamboo paper, one volume. 19.3 x 12.5 cm.

The end of the manuscript (f. 27v) bears the inscription: 古閩李多默口授 (given orally by Thomas Li of Fujian), 男良爵筆錄 (written down by his son Liangjue).

The manuscript is in the form of questions and answers. The questions are identical with those in the Liyi wenda 禮儀問答 (cf. [38/42] 40/7b). This book must have been written shortly before his death in 1681 (Kangxi 20), when he was an invalid and had to seek help from his son. He has told us that he was fond of reading throughout his life time, especially books on the Catholic faith (cf. Jap-Sin I, 34/37, 1, ji 第三集, ff. 13v–14v). He was very familiar with Catholic practices. In his replies to diverse questions, he quotes with great ease and shows particular interest in the current events of the missions. For instance, when asked about the ceremonies for saving the sun or the moon from eclipses his answer is: “The eclipses are things that belong to the natural course. They can be forecast and one must not attribute this to natural calamities. Long ago the priests who were serving at the Imperial Observatory explained this in their memorials to the throne. When did we see them agree with the populace and join in their practice?” Again, in dealing with the veneration of city gods, he says that angels are sent by God to guard cities and they are spirits, whereas the pagan city gods often have their statues and often these statues are attributed to some deceased persons, which is absurd.

Li Jiugong saw the great affinity between the Christian faith and Confucianism. He warned the missioners not to criticize Chinese writings bluntly. He contended that the Chinese language is a very flexible one. When, therefore, one reads a book one must pay attention to the whole context and should on no account separate the phrases and make interpretations based on separate phrases. If Chinese writing happens to be entirely wrong, one should never hesitate to point out the errors. On the other hand, if there are insignificant errors that do not go directly against the Catholic faith, it probably would be better to ignore them.

Source: Albert Chan, SJ, Chinese Books and Documents in the Jesuit Archives in Rome, pp. 68-69.

Introduction: Confucius, Kongzi and the modern imagination.
Part One. The Manufacture of Confucius and Confucianism:
The Jesuits, Confucius, and the Chinese -- There and back again: the Jesuits and their texts in China and Europe -- Interlude: the meaning and end of Confucianism: a meditation on conceptual dependence.
Part Two. Making sense of Ru and making up Kongzi:
Ancient texts, modern narratives: nationalism, archaism, and the reinvention of Ru -- Particular is universal: Hu Shi, Ru, and the Chinese transcendence of nationalism.
Epilogue: At century’s end: ecumenical nativism and the economy of delight.

JapSin I, (38/42) 40/3
Minzhong Jiangle Xian Qiu xiansheng zhi zhuwei shenfu shu 閩中將樂縣丘先生致諸位神父書.
By Qiu Sheng 丘晟.
Manuscript, six folios. One volume, Chinese bamboo paper, with red ink punctuation. 24 x 14 cm.

The cover bears the title: Shuzha 書札 (letter) and a Latin inscription: “Epistola unius Kiu gin [舉人] Christiani dicti Kieu Chim de Fo Kien, praemissa suo libro circa has controversias sinicas.”
The same epistle is given separately in one and one-half sheet (56 x 24 and 14 x 24 cm). At the end there are two lines of an inscription in Latin: “Epistola unius litterati Christiani in Fo Kien dicti Kieu Chim praemissa libello a se facto.”

Qiu Sheng felt aversion toward those who tried to belittle the teaching of Confucius. He pointed out that the Chinese respected Confucius as a great master because he recognized that there is a God to be served and that there are commandments to be kept, and because his writings exhorted people to do good. In one word, what Confucius teaches all agrees with the Catholic doctrine. For this reason Chinese boys study his books at the age of six or seven.
Finally, Qiu Sheng admitted that he embraced the Catholic faith because he saw that the teaching of the Catholic Church agreed with the teaching of Confucius. Now, if the missioners began to revile Confucius as superstitious, the Chinese scholars will no doubt answer back and cast against the Catholic Church the same accusation. He warns that if one inveighs against the veneration of ancestors and the respect paid to Confucius, one would be closing the door of the church to Chinese scholars. In conclusion, he says, “Your Reverences who study our Chinese books ought to know when to change and adapt (to the Chinese custom). It is not expedient to stick to a word or to a phrase so woodenly to the detriment of the welfare of the mission.” At the end he mentions his book, the Shuwen pian 書文篇 (cf. Jap-Sin I, [38/42] 40/4), which he wrote with the intention of helping the propagation of the Catholic faith.

Qiu Sheng (zi 振新) was a native of Jiangle (Fujian). The family seems to have settled down in Changshu 常熟 (Jiangsu). In Jap-Sin 134, the annual letter of 1663, we read that there was a church of Our Saviour and Our Lady in the town of Changshu in the province of Nanjing. François de Rougement (Lu Riman 魯日滿) was superior of the house and there were more than ten thousand Catholics (folio 345v). In Jap-Sin 112 there is a biography of Qiu Sheng’s father written by Qiu Sheng himself (folios 160–161). This was done at the request of de Rougement. According to this biography Qiu Sheng’s father’s zi was Shuliang 叔良 and his hao was Tianran 天然. From the preface he wrote for Brancati’s Shengjiao sigui 生教四規 (cf. Jap-Sin I, 106) we know that his ming was Yuezhi 曰知. He was baptized in 1638 (Chongzhen 11) by Francesco Sambiasi (Bi Jinliang 畢今梁) and took the name Augustine. For twenty-six years he lived an exemplary life. In 1662 (Kangxi 1) some ungrateful person laid hold of his property and robbed him of his possessions. It seems that this injustice was the result of hatred for the Christian religion. We are told that de Rougement exhorted him to forgive his enemy for God’s sake. This good man took his advice with great resignation. However, the blow was too heavy: overcome by grief he died in the following year (1663). De Rougement himself gave an account of this (see Jap-Sin 112). The Latin inscription on folio 160v informs us that Augustine Qiu was a xiucai 秀才: “Christitiana mors et vita Augustini jîu Xo Leam [Qiu Shuliang] baccalaurei Ecclesiae Cham Xo conscripta meo jussu ab eius filio item Baccalaureo.” About the life of Qiu Sheng himself we have far less information, except that he owed his religion to his father and the missioners (cf. Jap-Sin I, [38/42] 40/4).
Source: Albert Chan, SJ, Chinese Books and Documents in the Jesuit Archives in Rome, pp. 46-48.

明末清初耶穌會思想文獻匯編 = An expository collection of the Christian philosophical works between the end of the Ming dynasty and the beginning of the Qing dynasty in China ; 第14冊.

Local access dig.pdf. in folder: [Andrew Chung Series].

Contents: Tian Ru tongyi kao 天儒同異考 -- Piwang tiaobo heke 闢妄條駁合刻 -- Qinming chuanjiao yueshu 欽命傳教約述 -- Shengjiao zanming 聖教贊銘 (附: 聖人宗徒十四位行實) -- Sidian shuo 祀典說.

Piwang lüeshuo tiaobo 闢妄略說條駁. [Pi lüeshuo tiaobo 闢略說條駁. Piwang shuo tiaobo 闢妄說條駁] "...The critique on Buddhism was further developed in Piwang lüeshuo tiaobo 闢妄略說條駁 (1689) in which Zhang Xingyao and Hong Ji (of Hangzhou) reacted against the rebuttal of the anti-Buddhist essay Piwang (attributed to Xu Guangqi) by the monk Xingce 行策 (1628-1682)"—-Cf. Standaert, Handbook of Christianity in China, p. 618; Mungello, The Forgotten Christians of Hangzhou (1994).

Sidian shuo 祀典說. For full details see Jap-Sin I, (38/42) 40/7a .

JapSin I, (38/42) 41/3
Zhi Mu laoshi wen liangshou 致穆老師文兩首, fu ba yishou 附跋一首.
By Yan Mo 嚴謨.
Manuscript, six folios (Arabic numbers). Chinese bamboo paper, one volume. 24.3 x 14.3 cm.

An inscription on the top margin of the first folio reads: “Scriptus Ien Pauli.”

Herewith I present two essays and a postscript to Mu laoshi (i.e., José Monteiro) for his study, and I request that all the works, as found in the list of my writings, be copied and sent to Nie laoshi 聶老師 (Father Greslon) of Jiangxi province. I have been told that Father Greslon intends to write on this subject. He asked earlier for my writings, but because of the long distance I have never carried out his wishes.

1. On the temple of Confucius in Gucheng Xian 榖城縣, Xiangzhou 襄州 (Hubei), by Ouyang Xiu 歐陽修 (1007–1072).
2. An eight-legged essay (bagu wen 八股文) on the veneration of ancestors by Tang Laihe 湯來賀 (jinshi of 1640). This essay contains remarks by diverse scholars.

Yan Mo’s postscript seeks to prove that neither in the veneration of Confucius nor in that of the ancestors there is any superstition, nor is there anything that might show usurpation of God’s right as was suspected by some of the foreign missioners, who at the same time thought that what Chinese Christians told them was not reliable. Yan Mo therefore selected these two essays from pagan writers to satisfy his accusers.

Source: Albert Chan, SJ, Chinese Books and Documents in the Jesuit Archives in Rome, pp. 65-66.