A Chinese Jesuit catechism : Giulio Aleni's four character classic 四字經文 / Anthony E. Clark.

Includes bibliographical references and index.

Chapter1: Introduction -- Chapter 2: Translation of Wang Yinglin's Sanzijing 三字經 (Three Character Classic) -- 3: Chapter Translation of Giulio Aleni's Sizijingwen 四字經文 (Four Character Classic) -- Giulio Aleni's Oeuvre -- Bibliography -- Index.

"This book is the first scholarly study of the famous Jesuit Chinese children's primer, the Four Character Classic, written by Giulio Aleni (1582-1649) while living in Fujian, China. This book also includes masterful translations of both Wang Yinglin's (1551-1602) hallowed Confucian Three Character Classic and Aleni's Chinese catechism that was published during the Qing (1644-1911). Clark's careful reading of the Four Character Classic provides new insights into an area of the Jesuit mission in early modern China that has so far been given little attention, the education of children. This book underscores how Aleni's published work functions as a good example of the Jesuit use of normative Chinese print culture to serve the catechetical exigencies of the Catholic mission in East Asia, particularly his meticulous imitation of Confucian children's primers to promote decidedly Christian content." --back cover

Local access dig.pdf. [Aleni-Clark-Four Character Classic.pdf]

First book printed in the Philippines (1593); only copy known extant at the National Library of Madrid. See BIBLIOTECA DIGITAL HISPÁNICA, BIBLIOTECA NACIONAL DE ESPAÑA.

Local access digital pdf [Cobo-Shilu.pdf]

See also:
Eugenio Menegon, Ancestors, Virgins, & Friars: Christianity as a Local Religion in Late Imperial China, esp. p.52
Liu Dun, “Western knowledge of geography reflected in Juan Cobo’s Shilu 實錄 (1593)” in History of Mathematical Sciences: Portugal and East Asia II edited by Luís Saraiva, pp. 45-57. Note: Liu uses variant character Bian 辨 in title 辯正教真傳實錄 as do a few other sources.
Ricardo Martínez Esquivel, Pablo Rodríguez Durán, “Entre la religiosidad china y el evangelio cristiano: ¿una mirada a la “otra” primera divergencia?” online at Universidad de Costa Rica Revista Estudios.

Online record also linked on Bibliotheca Sinica 2.0.

The book consists of eleven folios. The number of the folio is given in Chinese in the middle of each folio.

Cf. Stary, p. 63 (Abkai ejen-i enduringge tacihiyan-i oyonggo gisun); see also Stary, pp. 42–43 (no. 41). For transcription and translation of this text, see John Mish, “A Catholic Catechism in Manchu,” Monumenta Serica 17 (1958), pp. 361–372.
Source: Albert Chan, S.J., Chinese Books and Documents in the Jesuit Archives in Rome, p. 174.

Abstract:
It is well known that the Tianzhu shiyi (first published 1603) is the development of a previous catechism published some twenty years before, which Matteo Ricci completely remodeled according to his discussions with Chinese intellectuals. This article shows that Ricci’s mentor, Alessandro Valignano, and particularly his Catechismus japonensis, written in Japan from 1579 to 1582, shaped Ricci’s methods and ideas. This overlooked connection between the two works enables us to understand better Ricci’s debt toward his predecessor and his breakthrough in terms of engagement with indigenous culture.

Keywords: Matteo Ricci—Alessandro Valignano—Tianzhu shiyi—catechism
Local access dig.pdf. [Meynard-Ricci Valignano.pdf]

JapSin I, 110
Tianzhu shengjiao yueyan 天主聖教約言.
By Su Ruwang 蘇如望 (João Soeiro, 1566–1607).
One juan. Chinese bamboo paper in one volume. No date or place of publication.

The cover bears the title and a Latin inscription: “Compendium | Doctrinae christianae | Liber sinicus editus a Patre | Joanne Soerius Soc^tis Jesu.”

Source: Albert Chan, S.J., Chinese Books and Documents in the Jesuit Archives in Rome, p. 159.

See also: Standaert, Handbook of Christianity in China, v. 1, p. 264, 615.

Citation source: Albert Chan, S.J., Chinese Books and Documents in the Jesuit Archives in Rome, pp. 90-99.
Jap-Sin I, 189
Xinbian Xizhuguo Tianzhu shilu 新編西竺國天主實錄
By Luo Mingjian 羅明堅 (Michele Ruggieri).
One juan (thirty-nine folios), one volume. Thick Chinese bamboo paper.
Cloth cover, half leather, in European style.

The back of this book bears the title in golden letters: “P. Ruggieri | Doctrina | christiana.”

Questo è la prima edizione del | 1^o Catechismo cinese curato dal | P. Michele Ruggieri e finito di stampare a | Siauchin o Shiuhing verso il 26–29 nov. 1584. | Questo Jap Sin I, 189 è | lo stesso di Jap Sin I, 190. | Il primo non ha il nome dell’ autore | mentre il secondo lo ha = [Ruggieri] Michele | Uno studio su questo catechismo | è aparso in Arch. Hist. S.J. 1934, | pp. 193–222, ma l’autore dall’arti– | colo non conosceva allora che Jap Sin I, 190, che è un edizione posteriore (the last five words are erased with an annotation: correzioni fatte dal P. D’Elia, 21.XII.57) Preziosissimo. 15.9.34. cf. Tacchi Venturi: Opere storiche del P. Matteo Ricci II, 50–51.

Each half folio contains nine columns with twenty characters in each column. The middle of each folio bears the title followed by the number of each folio.
At the end of the book the Ten Commandments (Zuchuan Tianzhu shijie 祖傳天主十誡) are given on a separate sheet (56 x 24 cm). On the top margin there is a pencil inscription in Latin: Fol. separatum de decalogo et salute animae. The end of this last folio bears the inscription:

Hoc folium continet traductionem sinicam Decalogi. Probabiliter missum est Romam e Sinis die 30 Nov. 1584, cf. Tacchi Venturi, Opere storiche del P. Matteo Ricci, 1913, II, p. 51. Contra id quod affirmat Wieger in Arch. Hist. S.J. 1932, p. 84, non habet annum (multo minus non habet 1582) impressionis. Probabilissime impressum est inter 10 sept. 1583 et mensem januar. 1584 in Sinis, cf. Arch. Hist. S.J. 1934, 194–195.

This book is called xinbian 新編 (newly revised), in contradistinction to the original manuscript which circulated in 1580. When Ruggieri first went to Canton with the Portuguese merchants he must have had talks with the Chinese on the Christian religion. He probably had something prepared in Chinese to meet such occasions. In the Roman Jesuit Archive there is a Portuguese Chinese vocabulary (Jap-Sin I, 198) attributed to Ruggieri and Ricci. At the end of the manuscript there is a brief catechism in four and one-half folios. On folio 12v there is a paragraph entitled 解釋聖水除前罪惡, which is substantially the same as Xinbian Tianzhu shilu, f. 28v (line 7) to 29r (line 5). Can this be the original of the Tianzhu shilu? This manuscript was never printed, but only circulated among Ruggieri’s Chinese friends. Ruggieri himself told the Jesuit general in his letter of 12 November 1581, that the Chinese mandarins called him shifu 師傅 (the great master), "because they read only one catechism [lit., doctrina] which I had composed last year to give them some general knowledge of our holy law, as much as they can take." (TV 2:403–404). Ruggieri arrived in Macao in the year 1579. His Chinese was then scanty. When he tried to compose his catechism he had to seek help from a Chinese, probably some student from the seminary (cf. TV 2:35 & n. 4). The manuscript catechism of four and one-half folios (Jap-Sin I, 198) is in the handwriting of a Chinese, badly written with a large number of mistakes [cf. Chan, p. 94]. This merely shows that the copyist was not a well educated man. The catechism had to be brief to suit the capacity of its readers, who had never heard anything like it. Communication for the first time was by no means easy.

The Xinbian Tianzhu shilu was written in Zhaoqing 肇慶 sometime before 1584 and Ruggieri was encouraged by his mandarin friends to have it published. He obtained permission from the Jesuit Visitor, then Alexander Valignano (cf. Jap-Sin 9, folio 257v). Publication, however, was postponed till the end of 1584, because it still had to be corrected and retouched for Chinese style.
In a letter, written on 5 December 1584, Francisco Cabral reported to Valignano on his visit to Zhaoqing the month before. He said that on 21 November he had baptized two Chinese, one of whom was a literary man (according to Ricci, a xiucai 秀才 or bachelor and a native of Fujian), who had been living in the house for four to five months and was teaching Chinese to the two priests (TV 2:118, 1:149). He was also helping to compile the Chinese catechism (TV 2:429). There can be no doubt that this man (Cabral mentions his name as Paolo) did the polishing of the style. Ricci in his letter to the Jesuit General (Guangzhou, 30 November 1584) mentions that he too had collaborated in this catechism: “un catechismo che habbiamo fatto in lettere china gia con la gratia del Sig^e stampato . . .” (Jap-Sin 9, folio 315).
The second convert whom Cabral baptized also seems to have taken part in this new catechism. He was a native of Zhaoqing, known by his Christian name Giovanni [John]; according to Ricci, his full name in Chinese was Cin Ni co (D’Elia could not make out the Chinese character of his family name: 陳，鄭，秦). In the middle of folio 26 we find the Chinese character 陳 at the bottom of the column. Did he put his name there while he was proofreading (as we still see proofreaders do in our days) and did the engraver cut it out on the wooden block? (cf. AHSI, 3, 1934, p. 202; TV 1:149, cf. 1:125–126).
Hsü Tsung-tse (1949, p. 141) observes that the Chinese of the Tianzhu shilu is clumsy and the terminology awkward. This was only natural, since this was the first attempt to translate something entirely new into Chinese and that by foreigners. If we bear in mind that nearly four centuries after the coming of Catholicism to China we still have so much difficulty in the translation of Catholic terms, we can perhaps readily excuse the imperfections of the first Chinese catechism. As an illustration we cite the following examples: 天人 for 天神 (angel), 祖公啞噹 for 原祖亞當 (Adam), [口 + 熱] 所 for 耶穌 (Jesus), 咽咈諾 (inferno) for 地獄 (hell) and 得道神仙 for 聖人 (saints).
The author of the book signs as 天竺國僧 (a monk from the Tianzhu country [India]), because the Chinese had never heard of Europe. D’Elia, however, did not agree in this explanation with Wieger, but said that the Japanese used to call the Jesuits Tenjiku jin 天竺人, hence Ruggieri and Ricci adopted this name (AHSI, 3, 1934, pp. 209–218). And because the Chinese did not know what a religious meant they chose the term seng 僧, (Buddhist monk) as the closest equivalent (cf. Jap-Sin I, 53.4).
In 1585 when the Provincial of Mexico wrote to the Jesuit General in Rome he quoted Alonso Sánchez of the Philippines, who had paid a visit to Guangzhou, as saying that 1,500 copies of the Tianzhu shilu had been printed (cf. Francisco Zambrano, S.J., Diccionario Bio-Bibliográfico de la Compañía de Jesús en Mexico, Mexico, 1962, Tomo II [siglo XVI, 1566–1600], p. 119, n. 57). The book enjoyed a wide circulation. Ricci says that they had given hundreds of copies to friends and that Catholicism was thus soon spread. Where the missioners could not penetrate, the book was able to convey the instruction (TV 1:134). He also says that several Chinese became Christians through reading the book (TV 2:55, 71). Between the years 1584 and 1585 the “ambassador” of Cochin China who happened to be in China, visited the Jesuits in their house and brought back with him a number of copies of the book. And in 1586 Valignano wrote to the Jesuit General that this Catechism in Chinese would be of use for the Japanese Buddhist monks. Indeed, he asked that a good number of copies to be sent to Japan (Jap-Sin 10, folio 214v, no. 10; cf. FR 1:379, n. 4).
According to Duarte de Sande (孟三德, 1531–1600) the Tianzhu shilu was reprinted several times in Korea and Japan around the year 1595. Ruggieri returned to Europe in 1588. He brought back with him the Tianzhu shilu in Latin and also his Latin translation of the Four Books, with the intention of having them published in Europe. This, however, was never realized due to the strong opposition of Valignano, who was aware that Ruggieri’s Chinese was never very good and that the book he had written, though widespread, was nevertheless imperfect. Furthermore, later on the Jesuits changed their Buddhist dress for that of the scholars and they no longer called themselves seng as in Ruggieri’s book. Valignano had set his eyes on Ricci, whom he thought far better at Chinese than Ruggieri (Jap-Sin 13, f. 46r, 46v [Japon. Epist. 1596–1599]). We are told that Valignano had given him an assignment to write a new catechism and this was published in its due time under the title Tianzhu shiyi 天主實義 (q.v.). By then Ruggieri’s book was no longer in use; even the stored copies were no longer distributed. Eventually the wooden blocks were destroyed.
Léon Wieger quotes Trigault as saying that in Jiangnan the missioners kept the wooden blocks of Ruggieri’s book and reprinted it on several occasions. Unfortunately, he does not give us the sources of his information and does not help us to find out whether the newly engraved book was an entirely new edition or was based on the old first edition of 1584 (Jap-Sin I, 190?). The new edition of the Tianzhu shengjiao shilu 天主聖教實錄 in Jap-Sin I, 54 and 55 (see below), was published after the death of Trigault (1628). The contents had been changed considerably. It was not quite the same as the original book.

Cf. Léon Wieger, “Notes sur la première catéchèse écrite en chinois, 1582–1584” in AHSI, 1, 1932, pp. 72–84; P.M. D’Elia, “Quadro storico-sinologico del primo libro di dottrina cristiana in cinese,” AHSI 3, 1934, pp. 193–222; JWC 1:65–71; Antonio Possevino, Bibliotheca Selecta (Romae, 1593), Liber IX, p. 581.
Source: Albert Chan, S.J., Chinese Books and Documents in the Jesuit Archives in Rome, pp. 90-96.

Tianzhu shiyi 天主實義 / Li Madou yuanzhu 利瑪竇原著 .... 鄭安德編輯.
“本書根據杭州燕貽堂較梓本編輯整理, 由李之藻1607年重刻序"--P. 1 (2nd group)

The Tianzhu shiyi of 1603 and its many later editions, reprints, and translations was by far the most influential Catholic catechism in China, and its influence lasted well beyond the 17th century. Like the classics of Confucianism, it is written in the form of a dialogue, in this case between a Chinese and a Western scholar. Based on natural theology, it sought to explain fundamental Christian ideas through argumentation and applied reason. Ricci uses rational arguments to prove the existence of God, preparing the background until the final chapter where he explains the incarnation of God in Jesus Christ and his ascension without including the passion and crucifixion. Quoting the Chinese Classics to demonstrate the ancient Chinese had natural knowledge of God, Ricci’s approach was in accord with the Thomistic view that reason had its own value, and resembled Valignano’s methods in the Catechismus Christianae Fidei (1586).

明末清初耶穌會思想文獻匯編 = An expository collection of the Christian philosophical works between the end of the Ming dynasty and the beginning of the Qing dynasty in China ; 第2冊.

Local access dig.pdf. in folder: [Andrew Chung Series].