Reprint of the 1701 ed. published in Peking : "Limited to two hundred copies." Original printed from wood blocks on double leaves of rice paper.
Dated: Pekini, 29 Julij anni 1701. Signed: Antoine Thomas, Filippo Grimaldi, Thomay Pereyra, Joannes Francs Gerbillion, Josephus Suares, Joachimus Bouvet, Kilianus Stumpf, J. Baptista Regis, Ludovicus Pernon, Dominicus Parrenin.

"A very important work composed and sent by the Peking Jesuits in 1701 from China to Rome. The book contains and explains the Kangxi Emperor's declaration about the Chinese terms for God and the non-religious nature of the Chinese Rites venerating ancestors and Confucius. This view, which was also that of the Jesuits, is also supported by quotations from the Chinese Classics and from statements by leaned Chinese of the time."--note inserted "From the collections of the Institute for Chinese-Western Cultural History"

Full title: Brevis relatio eoru[m], quae spectant ad declarationem Sinaru[m] imperatoris Kam Hi circa caeli, Cumfucii et avoru[m] cultu[m], datam anno 1700. Accedunt primatu[m], doctissimoru[m]q[ue] viroru[m], et antiquissimae traditionis testimonia. Opera PP. Societ. Jesu Pekini pro Evangelii propagatione laborantium.

Original printed from wood blocks on double leaves of rice paper.
Dated: Pekini, 29 Julij anni 1701. Signed: Antoine Thomas, Filippo Grimaldi, Thomay Pereyra, Joannes Francs Gerbillion, Josephus Suares, Joachimus Bouvet, Kilianus Stumpf, J. Baptista Regis, Ludovicus Pernon, Dominicus Parrenin.

Reprint of the 1701 ed. published in Peking : "Limited to two hundred copies."
61 double leaves ; 23 cm ; bound and boxed in Chinese fashion.
Series: Classica Japonica: facsimile series in the Tenri Central Library : Section 11 : Varia III ; 4

"A very important work composed and sent by the Peking Jesuits in 1701 from China to Rome. The book contains and explains the Kangxi Emperor's declaration about the Chinese terms for God and the non-religious nature of the Chinese Rites venerating ancestors and Confucius. This view, which was also that of the Jesuits, is also supported by quotations from the Chinese Classics and from statements by leaned Chinese of the time."--note inserted in Ricci Institute edition.

Brevis Relatio eorum, | quae spectant ad Declaratio~ | nem Sinarum Imperatoris | Kam Hi | circa caeli, Cumfucii, et Avorum | cultum, datam anno 1700. | Accedunt Primatum, Doctissimo~ | rumque virorum, et antiquissimae tra~ | ditionis testmonia. | Opera PP. Societ. Jesu Pekini pro | Evangelii propagatione laborantium.

White Chinese bamboo paper in one volume, bound in Chinese style. Sixty-one + three folios. The number of the folio is given below the fish-tail in the middle of each folio. Arabic numbers are also given at the bottom of each folio.
Folios 1v–5v contain declarations and ff. 6v–10v text in Manchu (cf. Jap-Sin 157: Sinensis anno 1700, supplex libellus oblatus Imp^re | circa nonnullos Ritus sinenses | decretum Imp^ris de iisdem. | Simile decretum, et supplex libellus missi sunt ad Sum. Pontificem.). Folios 11v–14v contain an account in Latin of a memorial to the Kangxi emperor in Manchu and of the reply of the emperor sent to the provinces; folios 15–16 give the translation into Chinese. Folios 17–61 give the views of eminent ministers at the imperial court on the question of Tianzhu 天主, the veneration given to Confucius and ancestor worship. Toward the end Chinese Classics are cited to confirm the points discussed. Ten ministers are quoted in this document, namely:

1. The younger brother of the Kangxi Emperor, Changning 常寧 (1657–1703).
2. So san lao ye [Suo san laoye 索三老爺, i.e., Songgotu 索額圖 (hao 愚庵, d. 1703?). He was an uncle to the empress and had great influence at the court. In 1688 he was appointed head of a commission to negotiate with the Russians about the border conflicts in Manchuria. Both Jean-François Gerbillon and Tomé Pereira were on the staff and he became a good friend of the Jesuits. The document mentions him especially for the efforts he made to secure liberty for the preaching of the Gospel in China: “. . . qui anno praecedentis saeculi 92° missus est ab Imperatore ad Tribunal Rituum, ac deinde Colaorum, ut suâ eloquentia persuaderet dandam Libertatem Edicto Publico, Legi christianae, ad quam ille bene affectus strenue id praestitit, et efficaciter est consecutus” (f. 23v).
3. Mim lao-ye [Ming laoye 明老爺, i.e., Mingzhu 明珠 (zi 端範, 1635–1708). His grandfather, Gintaisi, was one of the rulers of the Yehe nation, which was conquered by the founder of the Qing dynasty. The family then served under the Manchu Plain Yellow Banner. They followed the Manchus to Beijing in 1644 and became nobles of the new dynasty. The document states that Mingzhu served as Grand Secretary (Primus Colaus) for fifteen years; in fact he was in this office only for twelve years (1677–1688). He, too, is said to have shown love to the Divine Law of the Christians (f. 25v).
4. Isanghâ [Yinsanga 尹桑阿] (1638–1703), Manchu of the Plain Yellow Banner. He was Grand Secretary from 1688 to 1701. The emperor had a high esteem for him as a talented minister.
5. Kong Yuqi 孔 毓圻 (zi 鍾在, 1657–1723). He was native of Qufu 曲阜 (Shandong) and a descendant of Confucius. He came to the capital in 1702 for the birthday greeting to the emperor, and was asked by the Jesuits for his opinion on the question of the Chinese Rites (f. 29v, 30r).
6. Vam Hi (Wang Xi 王熙, ziu 子雍, 胥庭; hao 慕齋, 1612–1701). He was a native of Wanping in Beijing. He held the office of Grand Secretary from 1682 to 1701. The document mentions him as: “viri toto Imperio, ob eruditionis, ac prudentiae famam celeberrimi” (f. 30r).
7. Cham Yim (Zhang Ying 張英, zi 敦復, hao 樂圃, 1638–1708). He was a native of Tongcheng (Anhui). In 1677 Chang, then an expositor at the Hanlin Academy, was selected by the emperor to serve in the newly created office known as Nan Shufang 南書坊 (Imperial Study). Only very talented members of the Hanlin Academy were selected for the Nan Shufang and the choice was often made by the emperor personally. He was Grand Secretary from 1699 to 1701.
8. Han Tan 韓菼 (zi 元少, hao 慕盧, 1637–1704). The document says that “insuper Praesidem agit supremi Tribunalis Rituum” (f. 31v); Han Tan was President of the Ministry of Rites from 1700 to 1704. Earlier, in 1703, he wrote a preface to the work Tianxue benyi 天學本義 attributed to Joachim Bouvet, which shows that he was a friend of the missioners (cf. ECCP 1:275).
9. Sun Zhimi 孫致彌 (zi 愷似, hao 松坪, 1642–1709). He was the grandson of Ignatius Sun Yuanhua 孫元化 (cf. Jap-Sin I, 62). Sun Zhimi, “a jinshi of 1678, attracted notice in 1678 because—though he was then only a student in the Imperial Academy—he was specially selected as one of the envoys sent on a mission to Korea to collect poetry there. He achieved some note also as a poet and a calligrapher” (ECCP 2:686).
10. Li Kai 李鎧. His name does not appear in any of the official books. We derive our information only from our document, which says that he was an old man, not distinguished by his official position but highly respected by both the Chinese and Manchus for his great erudition. For more than thirty years he was employed by the emperor in writing books now in Chinese, now in Manchu. He is said to have translated European books on science into the Chinese and Manchu languages. The Tianzhu shiyi by Ricci was translated by him (f. 32r). The same old man is said to have translated Aleni’s book Wanwu zhenyuan 萬物真原 from Chinese into Manchu (f. 33v).

A copy of seven of these ten testimonies can be found in Jap-Sin 160, no. 3, which consists of nine testimonies (cf. SF 8:751–752, n. 133). The first three Manchu dignitaries do not appear in that text and instead two Chinese take their place: Lin Wenying 林文英 of Fujian (閩中) and Wu Sheng 吳晟 of Huaiyin 淮陰 (Jiangsu). Lin Wenying we have met already as the author of a preface (1697) to a reprint of the Da ke wen 答客問 (see Jap-Sin I, 146). Wu Sheng (zi 麗正, hao 梅原) was a native of Quanjiao 全椒 (Anhui) and he lived from 1635 to 1694. See “Epitaph of Wu Sheng” in Chu Xin 儲欣 (fl. 1770), Zailu caotang wenji 在陸草堂文集, juan 6.

The statements of these ten scholars praised unanimously the Jesuits’ correct understanding of the Chinese Rites. They had all read the treatise, which most of them attributed to Min Xiansheng 閔先生 (i.e., Claudio Filippo Grimaldi), although others attributed it to the Jesuits as a group (西洋諸先生).
The document was signed by the following members of the Society of Jesus in Peking on 29 July 1701: Antoine Thomas, vice-provincial of China, Claudio Filippo Grimaldi, rector in Beijing, Tomé Pereira, Jean-François Gerbillon, José Soares, Joachim Bouvet, Kilian Stumpf, Jean-Baptiste Régis, Louis de Pernon, Dominique Parrenin.

Folio 30 (recto) has the following original handwritten statements (cf. Jap-Sin 160, no. 3):

Aliqua Testimonia Doctorum Imperii ac Magnatum Latine edita in relatione an. 1701, pag. 30 [b].
alia indicata pag. 22 eiusdem relationis. omnia numero novem.

Testor hoc exemplar esse legitimum Pekini 3 oct. 1702.
Antonius Thomas, Vice~Prov^lis Soc^tis Jesu, Vice~Prov^ae Sinensis (With a red seal of the Society of Jesus).

Ego Episcopus Macaensis testor | hanc esse veram Copiam ori | ginalis. Macai 20 Januarii | an. 1703. Jes. de Cazal Ep^us Ma | caonensis.

Ego Notarius Episcopalis Macaensis | fidem facio hunc supra testificationem | esse propriam Ill^mi Dⁿⁱ Joannis de Cazal Episcopi Macaensis — Messi | 20 Januarii an. 1703. B^ac Acunha. Recognita ut in fide separata, Joseph Zambecchinus, Dominicus do Blanchis.

1. Ego infrascriptus, Vice~Prov^lis Soc^tis Jesu Vice~Prov^ae Sinensis testor me accepisse testimonium fratris natu minoris Imperatoris Tartaro~Sinici supra relatum folio 21º in cuius fidem, manu propria subscribo: Pekini 30a Septembris 1701.
Antonius Thomas.

2. Nos infra scripti Sacerdotes Societatis Jesu testamur nos accepisse d^tta testimonia duorum magnatum So San Lao ye & Mim Lao ye, nec non Isangha Imperii primi ministri a folio 22º ad 28º supra relata. In quorum fidem subscribimus. Pekini die 30a Septembris 1701.

Joannes Franciscus Gerbillon.
Superior Patrum Gallorum.
Joachim Bouvet.

3. Ego infra subscriptus Soc^tis Jesu Collegii Pekinesis Rector testor me accepisse testmonia quatuor quae fol. 29, 30, 31 et 32 continent^r in quorum fidem hic subscribo, die 30 septembris 1702.

Philippus Grimaldi.

4. Ego infra scriptus Sacerdos Societatis Jesu, testor me accepisse duo inter decem ultima testimonia supra relata a folio 32º usque ad 33ⁱⁿ. In quorum fidem subscribo. Pekini die 30^a Septembris anni 1702.

Joachim Bouvet.

5. Ego infra subscriptus vice~Prov^lis Soc^tis Jesu Vice~Prov^ae Sinensis testor hoc exemplar Brevis Relationis etc., habens folia impressa 61 esse legitimum, uti et subscriptiones hic positas. In quorum fidem, Libellum in prima pagina et ultima, proprio officii Sigillo munivi, atque hic subscribo.

Pekini 26 Oct. 1701.
Antonius Thomas.
(with a red seal of the Society of Jesus).

Libellus quo PP. Societatis suam agendi rationem in Regno Sinarum defendunt, ac de ritum erga Confucium, Coelum, Terram ac parentes cultu rationes assignant, easque coeremonias mere Politicas, cogestis testimoniis sapientum sinarum, esse propug’t.
Hoc exemplar est originale a PP. Pekini Societatis suscriptum, rarissimum ideo, ac praetiosissimum esse nemini dubium est.

Jesuit Archives (ARSI) JapSin I, 206a
Brevis Relatio.

The cover bears a Latin inscription: “Exemplar testimoniorum impressum Pekini.”

Jesuit Archives (ARSI) JapSin I, 206b
Brevis Relatio.

The cover bears a Latin inscription: “Hic liber secundum originale Pekinense impressus fuit Cantone in Cina anno 1701.”

Jesuit Archives (ARSI) JapSin I, 206c
Brevis Relatio.

The cover bears a Latin inscription: “Revdo Patri Thyrso Gonzalez | Generali Preposito Soctis Jesu | Carolus Turcottus.”

Jesuit Archives (ARSI) JapSin I, 206d
Brevis Relatio.

Another copy of the Cantonese edition; sixty-one folios without a list of corrigenda.

Jesuit Archives (RSI) JapSin I, 206e
Brevis Relatio.

The same as Jap-Sin I, 206c.

Jesuit Archives (ARSI) JapSin I, 206f
Brevis Relatio.

The folios 15, 16 and 28–61 are missing.

Jesuit Archives (ARSI) JapSin I, 206g
Brevis Relatio.

This is a copy in handwriting on bamboo paper; it does not reproduce the Manchu text: the Chinese text after folio 23 is followed immediately by folio 31. The text, however, is complete, although the pagination might suggest that it is incomplete.

Manuscript letter in two parts. Some pdf frames represent two leaves of the original.
Title from ARSI page link.

Jap-Sin IV, 5 D

[ Editors’ note: When the author described Jap-Sin IV, 5, its folder D was not in the usual place and folder E only contained the Bouvet letters numbered 6–13. At present folder D contains only one document at the end of which is written “collectionem hanc textuum Sinicorum eorumque versionem factam a Patre Joanne Alexio Gollet s.j. et novem paginas continentem, legi et approbo. Kieou Kiang, die 11 octobris 1725, Julianus Placidus Hervieu s.j. - Japonis Missionis PP. Gallorum in Sinis.” Folder E now also contains the Bouvet letters numbered 1–5, which formerly were in the then missing folder D and are not described in this catalogue. ]

Source: Albert Chan, S.J., Chinese Books and Documents in the Jesuit Archives in Rome, p. 524.

Local access dig. pdf. in folder ARSI Jap-Sin I-IV folder under Jap-Sin IV-5D.pdf]
Online at ARSI via Internet Archive.

Introduction -- Rural Ontario, 1885-1903 -- Toronto, 1903-1905 -- From commitment to departure, 1905-1910 -- North Henan, 1910 -- The early years, 1910-1917 -- Somewhere in France, 1917-1920 -- Rest and return, 1921-1927 -- Converts, education, and nationalism -- The waste of yin, 1917-1927 -- Museums and collectors -- Interlude, 1927-1928 -- Marking time, 1930-1931 -- Next stage, the 1930s -- Mature archaeologist, the 1930s -- Frustrating exile, 1936-1941 -- American interlude and postwar hiatus, 1942-1947 -- The last stage, 1948-1957 -- Conclusion -- Epilogue: James Menzies's legacy.

Electronic edition also available online via Gleeson Library.

"...In Gujin jing Tian jian (Bouvet) argued that ... Chinese were not atheists and he supported this theory with 179 quotations from the Rijiang 日講 (Daily Explanations), records from the Classics Colloquium, a gathering of the Kangxi emperor with eminent officials for the purpose of reading and discussing classical and historical texts. --(Cf. Standaert, Handbook of Christianity in China, vol. 1, p. 670)

Cover illustration: Bibliothèque nationale de France. Courant 7161
明末清初耶穌會思想文獻匯編 = An expository collection of the Christian philosophical works between the end of the Ming dynasty and the beginning of the Qing dynasty in China ; 第19冊.

Local access dig.pdf. in folder: [Andrew Chung Series].

Nova Demonstratio, quâ ￜ ex 30. primi principii seu veri ￜ omnium Domini nominibus ￜ probatur Deus Christianorum notum distincte et cultum fuisse ￜ a sapientibus antiquis Sinarum.
29.2 x 20.2 cm.

天地人物真宰，乃萬有之根本，本乃人之要務，各子弟必先明識其本，而後時時事事尊敬向之。千世萬方之民，皆係同胞兄弟，由一原祖而出，原為一家，一理，一教，初則明識根本。故上古先師立各等尊號，載在經書。
而詳釋之，率人敬向一真宰。自分方而成萬園，理教亦分，根本漸不明矣。 我西土先時亦大不宰，根本甚不明，後蒙造物主開捕，幸得 天主聖教真經， 後明天本，識認真宰精微
。 中華自遭秦火，典籍失傅，論根本諸文之原意，混睛不明，然經書猶概 尚存。今據天主聖經之旨，讀中華經書，凡古今論天主真宰之文號，擇其極 精粹者，一一集列之，成一復識根本真宰明鑒焉。

The verso of folio 1 v gives thirty-one names for the Supreme Lord 根本真宰尊號 which appeared in ancient Chinese writings:

帝 。 古蒂 。 上帝 。 天地 。 帝天 。上皇 。皇天 。 昊天 。 上天 。 天 。 天之主宰 。 主宰 。 眞宰 。 宰。 主。 造物者。 道理 。 道。 理 。 自然 。 無名 。 神 。 陰陽 。 乾坤 。 父母 。 天地 （古主字）。 唯一 。 太極 。 太一 。 三一 。

Cf. J. Gatty,“Les recherches de Joachim Bouvet (1656-1730)，" in Actes du Colloque international de Sinologie (La mission française de Pékin aux XVIIe et XVIIe siècles), Paris 1976, pp. 141-162 ; p. 145 (no. 20- 22).

Local access folder ARSI Jap-Sin I-IV under Jap-Sin IV-5C.pdf.
Online at ARSI via Internet Archive.

The world of Liu Zhi -- Chinese Muslim tradition and Liu Zhi's legacy -- Liu Zhi's concepts and terminology -- Ritual as an expression of Chinese-Islamic simultaneity -- The spirit of ritual and the letter of the law -- Allah's Chinese name.

Islam first arrived in China over 1,200 years ago, but for more than a millennium it was perceived as a foreign presence. The restoration of native Chinese rule by the Ming dynasty (1368-1644). after nearly a century of Mongol domination, helped transform Chinese intellectual discourse on ideological, social, political, religious, and ethnic identity. This led to the creation of a burgeoning network of Sinicized Muslim scholars who wrote about Islam in classical Chinese and developed a body of literature known as the Han Kitāb. Rectifying God's Name examines the life and work of one of the most important of the Qing Chinese Muslim literati, Liu Zhi (ca. 1660--ca. 1730), and places his writings in their historical, cultural, social, and religio-philosophical contexts. His Tianfang dianli (Ritual law of Islam) represents the must systematic and sophisticated attempt within the Han Kitāb corpus to harmonize Islam with Chinese thought.--Book jacket.

The volume begins by situating Liu Zhi in the historical development of the Chinese Muslim intellectual tradition, examining his sources and influences as well as his legacy. Delving into the contents of Liu Zhi's work, it focuses on his use of specific Chinese terms and concepts, their origins and inclining in Chinese thought, and their correspondence to Islamic principles. A close examination of the Tianfang dianli reveals Liu Zhi's specific usage of the concept of ritual as a common foundation of both Confucian morality and social order and Islamic piety. The challenge of expressing such concepts in a context devoid of any clear monotheistic principle tested the limits of his scholarship and linguistic finesse. Lin Zhi's theological discussion in the Tianfang dianli engages not only the ancient Confucian tradition, but also Daoism, Buddhism, and even non-Chinese traditions. His methodology reveals an erudite and cosmopolitan scholar who synthesized diverse influences, from Sufism to Neo-Confucianism, and possibly even Jesuit and Jewish sources, into a body of work that was both steeped in tradition and, yet, exceedingly original, epitomizing the phenomenon of Chinese Muslim simultaneity.--Book jacket.

[Cover: Kaifeng Synagogue interior, manuscripts of Jean Domenge, S.J., 1717-1725, Archiv S.J. Prov. Paris.]
Thomas G. Oey 黃美樹: 'Essay on the Term for Diety', a key text of William Jones Boone in his nineteenth-century debate with William Medhurst on the Protestant Chinese term for God.
Roman Malek, SVD 馬雷凱: China im Lexicon für Theologie und Kirche (LThK).
Gail King 歐凱妮: Four editions of Couplet's biography of Madame Candida Xu.

Review article: Visual culture as a historical source: Reed, Marcia & Paola Demattè, eds. China on Paper: European and Chinese works from the late sixteenth to the early nineteenth century. Standaert, Nicolas. An illustrated Life of Christ presented to the Chinese emperor: the history of the Jincheng shuxiang (1640).

New publications: Mythistory in Sino-Western contacts. Jesuit missionaries and the pillars of the Chinese Catholic religion, by Chen Min-sun. Confucian tradition and global education. The Tang Chun-i Lectures for 2005, by Wm. T. de Bary et al. Chinese and Jews: encounters between cultures, by Irene Eber. Sino-Western relations, conceptions of China, cultural influences and the development of sinology disclosed in Western printed books, 1477-1877, by Björn Löwendahl. The Jesuits, the Padroado and East Asian science (1552-1773), Luís Saraiva & Catherine Jamie, eds. The interweaving of rituals: funerals in the cultural exchange between China and Europe, by Nicolas Standaert. Drawing the dragon: Western European reinvention of China, by Tao Zhijian. Richard Wilhelm (1873-1930): Missionar in China und Vermittler chinesischen Geistguts, by Hartmut Walravens.

1. General Introduction; 2. The Significance of Cross-cultural Missionary Translation; 3. Literature Review of Previous Studies on Missionary Translation: 1) Lamin Sanneh and the Translatability of Christianity; 2) Eugene Nida and the Christianization of Vocabulary; 3) Charles Kraft's Receptor-Oriented Communication Theory and William Smalley's Dynamic Equivalence Bible Translation; 4) The Post-colonial Translation Theories of Vincente Rafael and Tejaswani Niranjana; 4. The Thesis of the Study; 5. The Scope and Plan of the Study

CH. I. THE LATE SIXTEENTH-CENTURY EUROPEAN BACKGROUND OF THE EARLY JESUIT MISSIONARIES: RENAISSANCE HUMANISM AND THE INFLUENCE OF JESUIT THOMISM: 1. Introduction; 2. Renaissance Humanism and the Early Jesuit Educators; 3. The Jesuit Thomism at the Collegio Romano in the Late Sixteenth Century; 4. Thomas Aquinas' View on Human Capacity to Comprehend the Knowledge of God: Matteo Ricci's Application; 5. Thomas Aquinas on the Naming of God: Matteo Ricci's Application

CH. II. THE EARLY JESUIT MISSIONARIES' TRANSLATION OF THE DIVINE NAME: CASE STUDIES FROM JAPAN, PERU AND SOUTH INDIA: 1. Introduction; 2. Francis Xavier and Anjiro in Japan: The Dainichi 大日 Episode; 3. José de Acosta's Dios and the Peruvian Chroniclers' Viracocha and Pachacamac; 4. The "Relocated" Missionary Role of Roberto de Nobili and the "Relocated" Divine Name; in South India, Sarv>0uran

CH. III. MATTEO RICCI'S TRANSLATION OF THE DIVINE NAME, SHANGTI 上帝 AND THE WESTERN MISSIONARIES' RESPONSES: 1. The Divine Names of the Christian God Before Matteo Ricci: 1) The Nestorians' Strange Names of God: Buddha 佛陀, I-shen 一神 and Aloho 阿羅訶 ; 2) T'ien 天 as the Jewish YHWH among the Kaifeng 開封 Chinese Jews ; 3) The Franciscan Mission and the "Confused" Divine Names in the Multi-Linguistic Mongol-Yüan 元 Dynasty ; 4) Juan Cobo's Liao-shih 僚氏 in the T'ien-chu-chiao Shih-i 天主教實義 ; 5) Michele Ruggieri's T'ienchu 天主in the T'ien-chu Shih-lu 天主實錄 ; 2. Matteo Ricci's Identification of Deus with the Confucian Shangti: 1) The Missionary Life of Matteo Ricci: A Brief Biographical Survey ; 2) The Christian God Shangti in the T'ien-chu Shih-i 天主實義; 3. The Western Missionaries' Responses to the Riccian Term Shangti: 1) Introduction: The Early Chinese Term Controversy and the Chiating 嘉定Conference in 1628; 2) The Pro-Riccian Jesuits: A. Álvaro Semedö 曾德照 (1585-1658) in the Relação de Grande Monarquia de China; B. Alfonso Vagnoni 高一志 (1566-1640) in De nomine Xamti et Tien nomine Dei siu lus; 3) The Anti-Riccian Jesuits: A. Nicolo Longobardi 龍華民 (1565-1654) in the Responsio of 1623. B. João Rodrigues 陸若漢in the Letter of January 22, 1616; 4. Shangti and T'ienchu after 1644: A Brief Historical Survey.

CH. IV. Chinese Responses to the Strange Name of the Christian God: Shangti and T'ien of Neo-Confucianism; 2. The Divided Responses of Ming Intellectuals to the Divine Name of the Christian God, Shangti: 1) Introduction; 2) The Responses of the "Serving" Chinese Christians: A. Hsü Kuang-ch'i (1562-1633); B. Li Chih-tsao (1565-1630); C. Yang T'ing-yün (1562-1627); 3) The Responses of the "Permitting" Liberal Confucian Scholars: A. Li Tai (ca. 1531-1607); B. Yeh Hsiang-kao (1562-1627); C. Li Chih (1527-1602); D. Tsou Yüan-piao (1551-1624); E. Unidentified Confucian Scholars' Views in the Responsio; 4) The Responses of the "Opposing" Anti-Christian Intellectuals: A. Chu-hung (1535-1615) and the T'ien-shuo Sih-p'ien; B. Shen Ch'üeh, (?-1624) and the Nanking Persecution; C. Hsü Ch'ang-chih and his Collection of Anti-Christian Literature, the Shengch'ao P'o-hsieh-chi 聖朝破邪集 -- CONCLUSION: The Strange and Familiar Names of God in Cross-Cultural Missionary Translation: A Chinese Case -- Bibliography -- Index

"In connection with the Rites Controversy towards the end of the seventeenth century, several Chinese literati wrote important essays explaining the issues from a Chinese perspective .... Yan Mo (baptised as Paul, suigong 1709) wrote ... Di Tian kao 帝天考 (Investigation of Lord and Heaven), a discussion of the usage of Tianzhu 天主(Lord of Heaven) with the terms Tian 天and Shangdi 上帝 as found in the classics such as the Shujing 書經 and Shijing 詩經, as well as the works of Confucius and Mencius.-- Cf. Standaert, Handbook of Christianity in China, vol. 1, p. 434.

本書據梵蒂岡敎廷圖書館藏手抄本編輯整理.
Cover illustration: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana. Rac. Gen. Or. III-248 (10)
明末淸初耶穌会思想文献汇编 = An expository collection of the Christian philosophical works between the end of the Ming dynasty and the beginning of the Qing dynasty in China ; 第38册.

Local access dig.pdf. in folder: [Andrew Chung Series].

"In connection with the Rites Controversy towards the end of the seventeenth century, several Chinese literati wrote important essays explaining the issues from a Chinese perspective .... Yan Mo (baptised as Paul, suigong 1709) wrote ... Di Tian kao 帝天考 (Investigation of Lord and Heaven), a discussion of the usage of Tianzhu 天主(Lord of Heaven) with the terms Tian 天 and Shangdi 上帝 as found in the classics such as the Shujing 書經 and Shijing 詩經, as well as the works of Confucius and Mencius.-- Cf. Standaert, Handbook of Christianity in China, vol. 1, p. 434.

Full bio-bibliographical note: Ad Dudink & Nicolas Standaert, Chinese Christian Texts Database (CCT-Database).

Indexed (perhaps erroneously) also as Tianzhujiao Rujiao tongyi kao 天主教儒教同異考—cf. Standaert, Handbook of Christianity in China, vol. 1, p. 433.

本书据1715年抄本排印.
明末淸初耶稣会思想文献汇编 = An expository collection of the Christian philosophical works between the end of the Ming dynasty and the beginning of the Qing dynasty in China ; 第37册.

Local access dig.pdf. in folder: [Andrew Chung Series].

"....Zhang also wrote the Tianjiao mingbian 天教明辯, the manuscript of which (in twenty volumes) is still to be found in the library of the Beitang in Beijing. The preface he wrote for this book is dated 1711 (Kangxi 51). The book was too voluminous and never came to see the light. Instead Zhang Xingyao made an abridgement in three parts, to which he gave the title Tian Ru tongyi kao 天儒同異考 (A study on the difference between Catholicism and Confucianism). The three parts are:

1. The Catholic religion is in harmony with Confucianism.
2. The Catholic religion adds something new to Confucianism.
3. The Catholic religion excels Confucianism.

The preface by the author is dated 1702. The introductory note (bianyan 弁言), however, was written in 1715, when Zhang Xingyao was 83 sui. So we know that Zhang was born in 1633 (Chongzhen 6)."
Source: Albert Chan, SJ, Chinese Books and Documents in the Jesuit Archives in Rome, pp. 53-55.

Full bibliographic details see Ad Dudink & Nicolas Standaert, Chinese Christian Texts Database (CCT-Database).
Local access dig.pdf. [Zhang-Tian Ru tongyi kao.pdf]

The true meaning of the Lord of Heaven = Tianzhu shiyi 天主實義 / Matteo Ricci ; revised edition by Thierry Meynard, S.J. ; translated by Douglas Lancashire and Peter Hu Kuo-chen, S.J.
Chinese and English on opposite pages, with summary in Latin.
Includes bibliographical references (385-398) and index.

Editor's preface – Introduction: The life of Matteo ricci – History of the composition and publication of The true meaning of the Lord of Heaven -- The present English translation – Ricci’s viewpoint and the contents of the work – A detailed outline of The true meaning of the Lord of Heaven -- The terminology – Reactions to Ricci’s work – A contemporary evaluation -- The true meaning of the Lord of Heaven : the Chinese text, English translation, and notes -- Appendix : Ricci's Latin summary of The true meaning of the Lord of Heaven.

"For two thousand years explorers, merchants, missionaries, and diplomats have been building bridges between China and the West. In the late sixteenth century, Matteo Ricci, an Italian Jesuit, initiated a more direct encounter between Chinese culture and Western Christianity, which has continued ever since. One of Ricci's most famous works, The true meaning of the Lord of heaven, was written in Chinese in form of a dialogue. In it, Ricci attempted to introduce Chinese literati to some of the fundamental ideas of the Judeo-Christian tradition. Based upon conversations Ricci had with Chinese scholars, this work allows us to get a sense of how he explained to his Chinese friends Western views about the purpose of life, human nature, and the existence of God. This revised bilingual edition of the first translation of Ricci's text into English (St. Louis: Institute of Jesuit Sources, 1985) helps us, by means of a substantial introduction and footnotes, to situate Ricci's dialogue in its religious and cultural context.."-- Back cover.

Local access dig.pdf. [Ricci-Meynard-True Meaning.pdf]