***Graphics resource: Ancient Chinese civilization; art objects, tools, astronomical instruments, astrolabes, historical scientific development, ancient astronomy, calendars, observatories, compasses and gnomons, celestial charts and navigation, horological instruments, ships (with models), geomancy, weapons, cannon, incendiary devices, ballistas, catapults, and trebuchets, paper and papermaking, rubbing, writing tools, plates, moveable type, bronzes, ancient pottery, looms, silk, weaving, early Western books on China, Jesuits, Ricci map Kunyu wanguo quantu.

Granting the seasons : the Chinese astronomical reform of 1280, with a study of its many dimensions and a translation of its records : 授時暦叢考 / Nathan Sivin ; with the research collaboration of the late Kiyosi Yabuuti 薮内清 and Shigeru Nakayama 中山茂.
In English, with some terms and proper names in Chinese.
"Translation and study of the Season-granting system"--Page 5.
Includes bibliographical references (pages 617-649) and index.

Introduction -- Astronomical reform and occupation politics -- Orientation -- The project : origins and process -- The astronomers -- The observatory and its instruments -- The records -- Evaluation of the Season-granting system -- Canon of the Season-granting system -- Appendix A: The instruments of Kuo Shou-ching -- Appendix B: The account of conduct of Kuo Shou-ching -- Appendix C: Technical terms.

China's most sophisticated system of computational astronomy was created for a Mongol emperor who could neither read nor write Chinese, to celebrate victory over China after forty years of devastating war. This book explains how and why, and reconstructs the working group, the observatory and the science that made it possible.

Local access dig.pdf. [Sivin-Granting the Seasons.pdf]

The cover bears a blue label with the title in Chinese and a Latin inscription: “De planisphaerio | a doctore christiano | Li chi yao, 2 tomi (1607).”

Pfister (p. 39, no. 16) gives this as the work of Matteo Ricci. But from the preface of Li Zhizao it appears that Li studied the matter under Ricci, while he was in Peking. He probably took notes from Ricci and then wrote his treatise when he was on his way to Fujian. Li did not follow exactly what he had learned from Ricci, rather he added something of his own. Hence he used the word yan 演 to denote that the treatise was expounded by him. The original work that Ricci used was the Astrolabium by Christopher Clavius, published in Rome in 1593. This book is to be found in the Beitang Library (Verhaeren, no. 1291). It was a gift from the author to Ricci. On the title page one still can see the autograph of the author: “P. Mathaeo Riccio donum auctoris | alla China.” See also Fang Hao 1966, pp. 48–49 and id., 1969, pp. 54–62.
It is to be noted that according to Pfister (p. 157, no. 8) Johann Terrenz [Schreck] wrote a book that bears the same title: 渾蓋通憲圖說 Hoen kai t’ong hien t’ou chouo, Abrégé des calculs à faire pour les éclipses solaires, édité par Li Tche tsao, 3 vol., Pékin.”
This book was published in the Tianxue chuhan 天學初函 and also copied into the Siku quanshu 四庫全書 and the Shoushange congshu 守山閣叢書 .
Cf. Feng 1938, p. 53; Hsü 1949, pp. 263–264; SKTY 3:2184–2185; Courant 4899–4900.

Hungai tongxian tushuo 渾蓋通憲圖說 (Illustrated Explanation of Cosmologcal Patterns), 1607. Alt.....the Sphere and the Astrolabe), Commentary on Joannes de Sacrabosco Astrolabe. Li Zhizao, 1611. Discussed stereographic projections for the astrolabe. The geographical latitude was set as 40ºN, which corresponds to that of Beijing.... Cf. Standaert, Handbook of Christianity in China, p.693, 694, 712 .
Jianpingyi shuo 簡平儀說 (Explanation of the Simple Altazimuth Quadrant), Sabatino De Ursis, 1611 –Cf. Standaert, Handbook of Christianity in China, p. 693.

Hungai tongxian tushuo 渾蓋通憲圖說 / [Li Zhizao 李之藻].

Hungai tongxian tushuo 渾蓋通憲圖說 (Illustrated Explanation of Cosmologcal Patterns), 1607. Alt.....the Sphere and the Astrolabe), Commentary on Joannes de Sacrabosco Astrolabe. Li Zhizao, 1611. Discussed stereographic projections for the astrolabe. The geographical latitude was set as 40ºN, which corresponds to that of Beijing.... Cf. Standaert, Handbook of Christianity in China, p.693, 694, 712.
See also: Albert Chan, S.J., Chinese books and documents in the Jesuit Archives in Rome, pp. 363-364. Corresponds to Japonica-Sinica II, 58. Also appears in Tianxue chuhan, vol.3.

Local access dig.pdf. [Li-Hungai Barb.Or 142.pdf]

Jap-Sin II, 63

Jianpingyi shuo 簡平儀說
Transmitted orally by Xiong Sanba 熊三拔 (Sabatino de Ursis) and written down by Xu Guangqi 徐光啟. One juan. Bamboo paper in one ce with a paper case. No date or place of publication.

The cover bears a label with the title (only half of the character 說 is left) and a Latin inscription: “Modus inquirendi stellam | existentem in medio coeli | a p. Sabbathino de Ursis | S.J.”

There is a preface (four and one-half folios), dated 1611 (Wanli 39), by Xu Guangqi. Folio 1 bears the title of the book and the names of the authors: 泰西熊三拔譔說 : 吳淞徐光啟劄籍. Each half folio consists of ten columns with twenty-two characters in the first column of each paragraph and twenty-one in the rest of the paragraph. The title is given in the middle of each folio and the number of the folio below the fish-tail. On folio 1 under the number of the folio, the name of the block carver is given: 李再禎刻 (wooden blocks carved by Li Zaizhen). The main text consists of twenty-one folios.
In his preface Xu Guangqi tells that the jianpingyi (an instrument providing the orthographic projection of the sky, according to the Ptolemaic theory) was made by Sabatino de Ursis himself and presented to Matteo Ricci, who was pleased with it. Later Ricci explained it to Xu Guangqi, who took down the explanations. Xu then showed his notes to Sabatino, who thought the treatise a little short and therefore declined to have it published. But at the insistence of Xu he finally agreed. Xu considered this book as a fundamental work for calendar makers.

Cf. Pfister, p. 105, no. 2; Feng 1938, p. 124; Hsü 1949, pp. 270–272; DMB 2:1332; SKTY 3:2181; Courant 4901–4902.

Source: Albert Chan, Chinese Books and Documents in the Jesuit Archives in Rome, pp. 368-369.

See Congshu jicheng chubian 叢書集成初編 ; 1303

Moving stars changing scenes : gems of the ancient Chinese astronomy relics = Xing, yi, wu, huan : Zhongguo gudai tianwen wenwu jinghua / [author, Yip Chee-kuen ; editor, Lawrence W.K. Lee ; English translation, Lawrence W.K. Lee, Ann L.F. Hui].
Translation of: Xing, yi, wu, huan : Zhongguo gudai tianwen wenwu jinghua 星・移・物・換 : 中國古代天文文物精華.
"Produced by the Hong Kong Science Museum."--T.p. verso.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 174-175) and index.
***Graphic resource.
Local access dig. pdf. [Ancient Chinese Astronomy.pdf]

Abstract:
During the early to middle Qing period, from 1644-1796, Manchu emperors were keen collectors of so-called ‘strange machines’ from Europe. These included scientific, primarily astronomical, instruments such as globes, armillary spheres or sundials, as well as mechanical clocks, watches and automata. European missionaries and trade delegations introduced these items as gifts to the Qing imperial emperors to further their respective religious and commercial agendas. Manchu rulers initially appreciated clocks and scientific instruments as a means of facilitating the control of time and space, essential in asserting imperial legitimacy. By incorporating European objects into the multicultural identity cultivated at court, they confirmed their status as universal rulers.

This thesis examines the changing role of European objects within the visual and material culture of the Qing courts across the reign periods of emperors Kangxi (r.1662-1722), Yongzheng (r.1723-1735) and Qianlong (r.1736-1796). It will show their transformation from statecraft instruments of high political and ritual significance to decorative domestic collectibles, ultimately rejected as insignificant toys. European clocks and instruments will be investigated not as technical, but as art objects in their own right in an examination of Qing court painting, architecture and decorative arts alongside key examples of the objects themselves.

As patronage and collecting were regarded as an essential imperial duty, requiring high personal involvement from each emperor, the way in which European objects were integrated into Qing court culture varied considerably under each ruler. Kangxi created the foundation for the role of clocks and instruments at court through his engagement with the European sciences, which he employed to fully consolidate his emperorship. Yongzheng maintained, but did not further develop, his father’s legacy with regard to objects from Europe. Qianlong embraced the ‘strange machines’ from Europe, albeit less as tools for statecraft, but as highly decorative collectibles, which appealed to his taste for foreign exotica. Over time, and with flourishing production in the imperial palace workshops, curiosities from Europe became highly integrated into the visual culture developed under each emperor, remaining foreign by nature, but appearing increasingly as familiar court objects, enhanced with symbolic ornaments reflecting the different cultures within the Qing empire, or merged with traditional signifiers of imperial power. This development highlights the way in which the concept of Europe, and its representation through certain types of objects, was actively used to shape the ‘otherness’ that defined the visual identity of the Manchus, thereby promoting the emperors’ legitimacy as universal rulers. Each emperor’s personality and taste influenced the visual expressions of their reign through patronage and collecting habits. In their roles as collectors and patrons, Qing emperors exercised their own form of time and space control over the ‘strange machines’ they owned through manipulation of their context, form and original function.

The Chinese Astronomical Bureau, 1620-1850 : lineages, bureaucracy and technical expertise / Ping-Ying Chang.

Includes bibliographical references and index.

The Organization of the Qing Astronomical Bureau -- From the Old Method to the New Method -- Kangxi Calendar Dispute -- Emperors and the He Brothers -- The Solar Eclipse of 1730 -- Knowledge Reproduction -- Maintaining a Familial Career -- The Decline of Missionary Influence and the Nineteenth-Century Reforms of the Astronomical Bureau.

"This book offers a new insight into one of the most interesting and long-lived institutions known to historians of science, the Chinese imperial Astronomical Bureau, which for two millennia observed, recorded, interpreted and predicted the movements of the celestial bodies. Utilising archival material, such as the résumés written for imperial audiences and personnel administration records, the book traces the rise and fall of more than thirty hereditary families serving at the Astronomical Bureau from the late Ming period to the end of the Qing dynasty. The book also presents an in-depth view into the organisation and function of the Bureau and succinctly charts the impacts of historical developments during the Ming and Qing periods, including the Regency of Prince Dorgon, the influence of the Jesuits, the relationship between the Kangxi and Yongzheng emperors and the He family and the failure of the bureau to predict correctly the solar eclipse of 1730. Presenting a social history of the Qing Astronomical Bureau from the perspective of hereditary astronomer families, this book will be of interest to scholars and students of Chinese Imperial history, the history of science and Asian history"-- Provided by publisher

The Chinese Astronomical Bureau, 1620-1850, 2023: CIP title page (Chinese Astronomical Bureau) galley (Qing Astronomical Bureau; the Astronomical Bureau (Qintianjian 欽天監 [Qin tian jian]); Unlike the Ming dynasty, which maintained a branch of the Astronomical Bureau in Nanjing,  the entire Qing Astronomical Bureau was in Beijing; The Bureau had three major workplaces; The first was the main office (yamen 衙門), which was located in the block  of central government institutions between and slightly to the east of the Gate of Heavenly  Peace (Tiananmen 天安門) and the Gate of the Great Qing (Da Qing men 大清門); The second major workplace was the observatory (guanxiangtai 觀象臺) located at the  southeast corner of the Beijing city wall; The third was the Drum Tower (Gulou 鼓樓) located at the north end of the central axis of  the Inner City; For most of the Qing era, the Astronomical Bureau was a middle-ranking but autonomous institution) publisher's note ("Chinese imperial [sic] Astronomical Bureau")—LC authority record.

Local access dig.pdf. [Chang-Chinese Astronomical Bureau.pdf]

The Verbiest celestial globe in China (Beijing) and Europe (Leuven-Belgium) : symbol of China-Europe scientific and cultural exchange / by Yi Shitong and by Jerome Heyndrickx.
"Notes on the Celestial Globe made in Beijing by Ferdinand Verbiest (1623-1688) and on the identical bronzen replica brought from Beijing to Leuven and inaugurated on June 2, 1989 by his Excellency Ambassador Liu Shan."
At head of cover title: KU Leuven China-Europe Institute.

“....Yuanjing shuo 遠鏡說 (Explanation of the Telescope, 1626), by Schall, which contained the first account of the Tychonic world system in Chinese..” Cf. Standaert, Handbook of Christianity in China, v.1, p. 714.

Full bibliographic citation see: Ad Dudink & Nicolas Standaert, Chinese Christian Texts Database (CCT-Database).

JapSin II, 39.2
Yuanjing shuo 遠鏡說.
By Tang Ruowang 湯若望 (Johann Adam Schall von Bell).
The text was put into Chinese with the help of Li Zubai 李祖白. One juan, one ce. Bamboo paper. No date or place of publication.

The cover bears a label with the title and a Latin inscription: “Explicatio tubi optici, | seu telescopii | a p. Adam Schall | S.J.”

This is a book on the telescope. Zheng Zhongkui 鄭仲夔 (fl. 1630) in his book Ershi 耳食 (Congshu jicheng chubian 叢書集成初編, no. 2946), juan 8 (p. 53), tells of the telescope brought to China by Matteo Ricci which, after the death of Ricci, was taken to Nanzhou 南州 by one of his followers and many people had the chance to see it. The telescope Ricci brought to China must have been of an older type, since the new telescope improved by Galileo did not appear until 1610. Manuel Dias in his Tianwen lüe 天文略 (1615) refers to the new telescope saying that it can reach a distance of sixty miles and mentions that Galileo, a European scholar, was a fully qualified astronomer. Finally he says: “We shall explain in detail the wonder of this instrument, when we have it brought to China.” This condition was realized on the arrival of Adam Schall in 1622. In 1627, a year after Schall had written his book on the telescope, Philip Wang Zheng 王徵 wrote the Yuanxi qiqi tushuo lu zui 遠西奇器圖說錄最 (cf. Jap-Sin II, 53). In the bibliography Wang Zheng mentions the Yuanjing shuo. He did his best to explain the structure of the telescope, its employment in astronomy, in sea voyages, and in warfare. According to Pfister (p. 180, no. 12) the Yuanjing shuo was published in Beijing in 1630, and Fang Hao (1954, vol. 4, pp. 21–22) says that Schall made his translation from Girolamo Sirturi’s Telescopio (Frankfurt, 1616).
Source: Albert Chan, S.J., Chinese Books and Documents in the Jesuit Archives in Rome, p. 326.