Author | Chung, Andrew 鄭安德Ricci, Matteo 利瑪竇, 1552-1610 |
Place | Beijing 北京 |
Publisher | Beijing daxue zongjiao yanjiusuo 北京大學宗教研究所 |
Collection | Ricci Institute Library |
Edition | 初稿 |
Language | Chinese 中文[簡體字] |
Type | Book, Digital Book (PDF) |
Series | Mingmo Qingchu Yesuhui sixiang wenxian huibian 明末清初耶穌會思想文獻匯編 ; 4 |
Shelf | Hallway Cases, Digital Archives |
Call Number | BV3427.Z6 C68 2000 v. 4 |
Description | 20, 44 p. ; 24 cm. |
Note | Bianxue yidu 辯學遺牘 / Li Madou yuanzhu 利瑪竇原著 .... Zheng Ande bianji 鄭安德編輯. “ .... Several catechetical and theological writings take an apologetic stand: they explain Christian doctrines while exposing the difference from Confucianism, Buddhism, or Taoism. Some works were solely devoted to this topic such as the Bianxue yidu 辯學遺牘, attributed to Ricci and postumously published (ca. 1623), which refuted the criticism expressed by the lay Buddhist Yu Chunxi 虞淳熙 (js. 1583, d. 1621) and the monk Zhuhong 祩宏 (1535-1615).--Cf. N. Standaert, Handbook of Christianity in China, v.1, p. 616-617. 明末清初耶穌會思想文獻匯編 = An expository collection of the Christian philosophical works between the end of the Ming dynasty and the beginning of the Qing dynasty in China ; 第4冊. Local access dig.pdf. in folder: [Andrew Chung Series]. |
Author | Ricci, Matteo 利瑪竇, 1552-1610 |
Place | Taibei 臺北 |
Publisher | Taiwan xuesheng shuju 臺灣學生書局 |
Collection | Ricci Institute Library |
Edition | |
Language | Chinese 中文 |
Type | Book (Text in Collection) |
Series | |
Shelf | Silver Room |
Call Number | BX880.L5 1965x v. 2 |
Description | vol. 2 [pp. 637-688] ; 21 cm. |
Note | Appears in vol. 2 of Tianxue chuhan 天學初函. Textual history see: Ad Dudink & Nicolas Standaert, Chinese Christian Texts Database (CCT-Database) Jap-Sin I, 50 The cover has a label with the title in Chinese with a Latin inscription: “Dialogus inter patrem Riccium, et doctorem sinam de falsis sectis, metempsychosi, etc.” The first folio bears the title in Chinese, followed by the publisher’s name. The upper middle of each folio bears the number of the folio. There are ten columns in each half folio with twenty-two characters in each column; the characters are in regular writing type with punctuation. The text consists of twenty-six folios. Part 1 I am confronted with a difficulty. Undoubtedly Buddhist scriptures are numerous and those who study them are also many. But our sacred writings and books on history and philosophy of the true religion are perhaps double the number of Buddhist writings. They have not been translated [into Chinese] and, being alone without disciples, I am not in the position to do it. Under these circumstances, as your letter puts it, one might face complete destruction, if one tries alone to go against one thousand. [But I must confess] that this destruction would be due to a failure of physical strength and not because of lack of reasoning. What I now suggest is, let us put aside the idea of who is going to win or to lose, and let some of your countrymen help [me] to translate [our] books. The translations need not to be as copious as those of the Buddhists; perhaps one or two percent. With these translations in hand one could then start to debate. If after the debate I am found in error, I should be ready to admit that Christianity is a failure. Now, as you would say, one must not launch an attack on Buddhism, if one is not familiar with Buddhist scriptures, I would reply, in the same spirit, that one who does not understand Catholic writings should not criticize Christianity [literally: how can you ruin our Holy City?]. I will make an attempt to study Buddhist writings in order to compare [it with our religion]. But is it not up to you to make an investigation of Catholic teaching so as to find out what it is all about? It is of great importance for us and for the generations to come to distinguish the truth itself from the unorthodox doctrines and I beg you to pay heed to my words. Part 2 Though he worships the Lord of Heaven, in reality he has no conception of Heaven. . . . According to him the Lord of Heaven is a being without form, without color or sound. One can then only conclude that Heaven is nothing more than [pure] reason. But how can [pure reason] rule its subjects, or promulgate laws, or reward and punish? He [Ricci] may be an intelligent person, but he has never learned the scriptures of Buddhists; what could be expected but that his doctrine would be wrong. The main point of Ricci’s refutation of the criticism of Zhuhong lies in the argument that the Buddhists regard Buddha as the supreme lord. Therefore he is above the Lord of Heaven, which is simply absurd. This is an unforgivable error. For this reason he wrote: Hence I am most willing to carry out a debate . . . , otherwise what is evident will remain obscure. . . . But there should be order in a debate, the debaters must be governed by reason. No one should bring up wrong traditions in his arguments; that would be to believe in hearsay rather than to follow reason, and that seems childish and would be to no point. It is clear that Ricci was aiming at the unfounded doctrine of Zhuhong about Heaven. In the remaining chapters Ricci tried to refute the errors of Buddhism on reincarnation, on sacrifice and on the prohibition of killing animals. His arguments are based on reason and combined with great eloquence. There is a postscript at the end of the book by Liang’an jushi 涼庵居士: Lienchi (Zhuhong) changed from a Confucianist to a Buddhist, and Deyuan (Yu Chunxi) was a profound scholar on the writings of Buddhism. Both were leaders of Buddhist followers in southeast China. Their belief was very different from the teachings of Mr. Li (Ricci). Reading now these letters in which they carried out their discussions, it gives the impression that they respected one another highly. Each tries to expound his learning with sincerity in the hope that the truth may appear. Unfortunately they never came to a conclusion. How regrettable that within a short period they all passed away. Had they had the opportunity to come together to discuss their knowledge freely and to propose their difficulties as open-minded philosophers, they would certainly have exhausted the subject without reservation of their talent. This might have brought to light hidden points and subtle ideas which undoubtedly would be of great enlightment to the ignorant. How lamentable that this never came to pass. This Liang'an jushi is Li Zhizao 李之藻 himself, the man so tenderly referred to in the writings of the early missioners as "Doctor Leo." The postscript mentions that the three authors of this book had all passed away. Now, Ricci died in 1610 (Wanli 38), Zhuhong in 1615 (Wanli 43) and Yu Chunxi in 1621 (Tianqi 1). Hence the title of this book speaks of yidu 遺牘 (memorial letters). This book is included in the Tianxue chuhan 天學初函 which was published by Li Zhizao in 1629 (Chongzhen 2). There is a reprint made from wooden blocks by the Lazarists in Peking (Catal. 1924, no. 88). The text has also been reprinted in mobile characters in 1915 by the Dagong Bao 大公報 periodical (Tianjin). Four years later, in 1919, Ying Lianzhi 英斂之 had it published in Peking with prefaces by Chen Yuan 陳垣 and Ma Liang 馬良 (Ma Xiangbai 馬相伯). According to the preface of Chen Yuan, the letters in this book were not written by Ricci himself, but by his followers after his death. Li Zhizao’s postscript, however, makes us think that Ricci was the author. Perhaps the drafts were done by one of Ricci’s friends; or the ideas may have come from Ricci and been put into writing by a Chinese scholar. Cf. Pfister, p. 36; Hsü 1949, pp. 119–120; SKTY 3:2628; FR 2:306 n. 1; DMB 1:322–324 (Chu-hung). JapSin I, 160 The cover bears a Latin inscription: “Dissertationes | contra falsa Dogmata Bonziorum | Liber sinicus editus a Patribus Soctis Jesu.” This is a duplicate of Jap-Sin I, 50 (cf. I, 51). JapSin II, 24.1 The cover bears a label with the Latin inscription: “1o Doctoris Pauli | Apologia pro Lege Christianorum” (attributing the book to Xu Guangqi 徐光啟, who was known to the missioners by his Christian name: Dr. Paolo). The inside cover bears the same Latin inscription, with the addition: contra quendam Bonzum. This edition is exactly the same as Jap-Sin I, 50. |
Author | Zhixu 智旭, 1599-1655 |
Place | Taibei Shi 台北市 |
Publisher | Taipei Ricci Institute 利氏學社 |
Collection | Ricci Institute Library |
Edition | 初版 |
Language | Chinese 中文 |
Type | Manuscript (in print collection) |
Series | Xujiahui cangshulou Ming-Qing Tianzhujiao wenxian xubian 徐家匯藏書樓明清天主教文獻續編 |
Shelf | Hallway Cases |
Call Number | BX1665.A2 X845 2013 v.22 |
Description | pp.1-72 ; 22.5 cm. |
Note | Fojiao laili, Pixie ji 佛教來歷,闢邪集 / 無名氏. Mss. In collection: Xujiahui cangshulou Ming-Qing Tianzhujiao wenxian xubian 徐家匯藏書樓明清天主教文獻續編. --62.〔佛教來歷,闢邪集〕(無名氏) Related sources see: Ad Dudink & Nicolas Standaert, Chinese Christian Texts Database (CCT-Database). Published ed. dated 1643, attributed to Ouyi Zhixu 藕益智旭 (1599-1665 [i.e 1655]). Cf. Standaert, Handbook of Christianity in China, p. 511-512. LC name auth: Zhixu 智旭, 1599-1655 |
Author | Daomin 道忞, 1596-1674Miyun Yuanwu 密雲圓悟, 1566-1642 |
Place | --- |
Publisher | --- |
Collection | ARSI |
Edition | |
Language | Chinese 中文 |
Type | Book (stitch-bound 線裝本) |
Series | |
Shelf | ARSI |
Call Number | NOT HELD. DESCRIPTION ONLY |
Description | 1 juan. |
Note | JapSin I, 155 Hongjue chanshi beiyouji 弘覺禪師北遊集 By Daomin 道忞 (1596–1674). Manuscript, one juan. Chinese bamboo paper in one volume. No date. The cover bears a Latin inscription: “Apologia contra | Sam Legem | Auctore Bonzio Hum kio.”There is an introduction in one folio. The main text consists of eighteen folios. The first folio gives the title Miyun Yuanwu chanshi Biantian sanshuo and the author: 密雲圓悟禪師辯〔辨〕天三說,門人道忞述繇並錄 (The three opinions of the Buddhist monk Miyun, known as Yuanwu chanshi, in relation to the character tian, recorded by his disciple Daomin, with a historical sketch). In 1656 the Shunzhi emperor conferred honors on the concubine Donggo, known also as Dong’e fei 董鄂妃 (ECCP 1:301–302). From then on, his interest in Christianity grew less and less and instead he took a liking to Chan (Zen) Buddhism. Between 1659 and 1661 several monks were summoned to Beijing. One of them was Daomin (zi 木陳, hao 山翁, 夢隱), a native of Chaoyang 潮陽 (Guangdong). This man had abandoned Confucianism and became a Buddhist monk at the age of twenty. He was a disciple of the renowned monk Yuanwu 圓悟 (zi 覺初, hao 密雲, 1566–1642), who was then abbot of the Tiantongsi 天童寺 in Ningbo (Zhejiang). Daomin later succeeded him as abbot. He came to the capital and stayed there from November 1659 to June 1660. He was given the title Hongjue chanshi 弘覺禪師, cf. ECCP 1:257. He and the emperor had intimate conversations about Buddhism, calligraphy, the writing of essays, novels, dramas and other subjects. The Beiyouji 北遊集 (A trip to the North), printed in 1661, which he wrote later records this. While in Beijing he presented to the emperor the Tiantong yulu 天童語錄, records of the lectures given in the Tiantongsi by his master Yuanwu and recorded by Daomin himself. This work includes the Biantian sanshuo 辨天三說 (Three Opinions in relation to the character tian). According to Daomin this treatise of his master is a refutation of Catholicism, which had been introduced by the foreigners who were widely spread in central China and in particular in the provinces of Guangdong and Fujian. He points out scornfully that they have tried to refute Buddhism without knowledge of what Buddhism is. The account then goes on to say that after Yuanwu published his treatise, lest the Catholics might ignore it, he had posters set up in Wulin (Hangzhou) to challenge them to a dispute. More than twenty days passed and nothing happened. Then one day a certain man named Zhang Juntian 張君湉 appeared at the Catholic mission, presenting himself as a Buddhist who had received the writing of Yuanwu and wished to have a discussion on the subject. We are told that the superior of the Catholic mission was Fu Fanji 傅汎際 (Francisco Furtado). When Furtado heard of the wish of the visitor, he replied: “Good, good; we have had the same idea.” But when he read the treatise of Yuanwu he did not seem to understand it fully and he hesitated for a while. Meanwhile, the son of Li Zhizao 李之藻, who happened to be there, came to his assistance. According to the account, when Furtado heard it [the treatise], he was embarrassed and blushed. He then asked bluntly: “Who is Huang Tianxiang 黃天香?” The reply was “I do not know.” “Then where did he get this?” The answer was: “He got it from his friend . . .” Cf. Jap-Sin I, 165.d, no. 3–4 (Courant 7172 III–IV). |
Author | Xu Changzhi 徐昌治, juren 1633Xia Guiqi 夏瑰琦 |
Place | Hong Kong 香港 |
Publisher | Alliance Bible Seminary 建道神學院 |
Collection | Ricci Institute Library |
Edition | 第1版 |
Language | Chinese 中文 |
Type | Book |
Series | Jidujiao yu Zhongguo wenhua shiliao congkan 基督教與中國文化史料叢刊 ; 1 |
Shelf | Hallway Cases |
Call Number | BR1608.C4 X82 1996 |
Description | 422 p. : facsim. ; 21 cm. |
Note | Shengchao Poxie ji 聖朝破邪集 / [Xu Changzhi 徐昌治] ; Xia Guiqi bian 夏瑰琦編. Colophon also in English: Poxieji: an Anthology of Writings Exposing Heterodoxy. CCCRC Reprint Series ; 1 "又名皇明聖朝破邪集, 簡稱破邪集."--Pref. Includes bibliographical references.
" ... Materials opposing Christianity...documents related to the anti-Christian incident of 1616-1617. The lay Buddhist Xu Changzhi (juren 1633) reproduced most of these documents in the first two juan of his Poxie ji (1640, 8 juan), a collection of anti-Christian texts"... Cf. Standaert, Handbook of Christianity in China, vol. 1, pp. 134-135, 511-513. |
ISBN | 9627997064 ; 9789627997061 |