JapSin II, 39.3
Lifa xiquan 曆法西傳.
By Tang Ruowang 湯若望 (Johann Adam Schall von Bell).
One juan. Bamboo paper. No date or place of publication.

The cover bears a label with the title and a Latin inscription: “Europaea Kalendarii methodus | a p. Adamo Schall | S.J.”

This is a book on the history of Western astronomy. In his preface Schall states that his book proposed to give a general introduction to Western astronomy since ancient times and then to the books he had written on astronomy, i.e., the Xiyang xinfa lishu 西洋新法曆書, in order to show that this so-called new science is not a recent invention nor had been invented by one man. Rather it derived from studies of eminent scientists. Therefore these studies were solid and based on truth. Furthermore, Schall states that the books he and his colleagues had written would serve students in the future as a clear guide, and in the long years to come these books might help to correct [astronomical] errors. In a word, one may forecast the future from the past and thus help to make adequate adaptations.

Source: Albert Chan, S.J., Chinese Books and Documents in the Jesuit Archives in Rome, p. 327.

This work explores the relationship between time, temporality, and power by utilizing interactions between Jesuit missionaries and the Ming and Qing governments of late imperial China as a case study. It outlines the complex relationship between knowledge of celestial mechanics, methods of measuring the passage of time, and the tightly controlled circumstances in which that knowledge was allowed to operate. Just as the Chinese courts exercised authority over time and the heavens, so too had the Catholic Church in Europe. So as messengers of God’s authority, the Jesuits identified the importance of astronomical and temporal authority in Chinese culture and sought to convey the supremacy of Christianity through their mastery of the stars and negotiate positions of power within both imperial governments.

JapSin II, 42 A
Qinding xinli ceyan jilüe 欽定新曆測驗記略.
By Nan Huairen 南懷仁 (Ferdinand Verbiest).
One juan. White bamboo paper in one ce, forty-two folios (ff. 8–10 and 29–31 are missing).

The title page is xylographed in Latin from the handwriting of Verbiest with the date 1668, which engraving was done in Beijing: Astronomia Europaea | sub Imperatore Tartaro Sinico | Cam Hy appellato | Ex umbra in lucem revocata | A P. Ferdinando Verbiest | Flandro Belga Brugensi | E Societate Jesu | Academiae Astronomiae | in Regia Pekinensi | Praefecto | Anno Salutis M.DCLXVIII.”

On the twenty-first day of the eleventh month, the seventh year of the Kangxi reign, we had an unexpected visit from four Grand Secretaries sent by His Majesty, namely, His Excellency Wu Gesai 吳格塞, His Excellency Duo Nuo 多諾, His Excellency Zhuo Ling’an 卓令安, and His Excellency Fan Chengmo 范承謨, all of them now deceased. His Majesty wanted to know whether the calendars then issued were correct. My reply was that they were very erroneous and that I had solid argument for saying so. There and then I pointed out the errors of these calendars. His Excellency Duo referred my reply to the emperor. The following day (22nd) an imperial order summoned me, An Wensi 安文思 [Gabriel de Magalhães], and Li Leisi 利類思 [Lodovico Buglio] to present ourselves at the Donghua Gate. On that same day the officials of the Imperial Observatory, Ma You 馬祐, Yang Guangxian, and Wu Mingxuan, were also there. [There followed a disputation between Yang, Wu, and Verbiest]. It was proved that the calculation of the calendar was incorrect and by imperial order the Qizheng minli 七政民曆 was compiled in the eighth year of the Kangxi reign by Wu Mingxuan, then Vice president of the Imperial Observatory, to be examined carefully for definite errors . . .

Cf. Sommervogel, vol. VIII, col. 576, 580; H. Bosmans, S.J., Ferdinand Verbiest, directeur de l’Observatoire de Péking, 1623–1668 (Extrait de la Revue des Questions scientifiques, janvier–avril 1912); Henri Bosmans, S.J., Les Écrits Chinois de Verbiest (Extrait de la Revue des Question scientifiques, juillet 1913, Louvain, pp. 272–298), p. 291. Courant 4992: “Khin ting sin li tchhe yen ki lio. Abrégé d’observations relatives au nouveau calendrier, imprimé par ordre imperial. Recueil de rapports et pièces diverses (1668 et 1669), émanant du P. Verbiest et d’autres fonctionnaires: texte et figures. 1 livre.--Cordier, Imprimerie Sino-européenne, 354. Grand in 8. Incomplet de plusieurs feuillets. 1 vol., cartonnage. Nouveaux fonds 3336.”For Jap-Sin II, 42 (I–III and A), see also Jap-Sin IV,27.
Source: Albert Chan, S.J., Chinese Books and Documents in the Jesuit Archives in Rome, pp. 343-344.

JapSin II, 39.4-5
Xinfa biaoyi 新法表異.
By Tang Ruowang 湯若望 (Johann Adam Schall von Bell).
Two juan. Bamboo paper, one ce.
No date or place of publication.

The cover bears a label with the title and a Latin inscription: “Differentia inter Euro | paeam et sinicam astro | nomiam | a p. Adamo Schall | S.J. | 2 tomi.”

The Xinfa biaoyi (Divergences of the new calendar) was written about 1634. It is divided into two parts. Juan A is a general study of the ancient Chinese calendars. According to Schall, although it had been said that there were over seventy calendar experts in the history of China, in reality, there were only forty odd. Juan B deals with the new calendar adopted by the Manchus after fall of Beijing in 1644. It is the Western calendar introduced into China by the Jesuits.
Folio 35 of juan A gives a brief account of the reform of the calendar at the end of the Ming dynasty:

The proposal for calendar reform was first made in the Wanli reign, and the decision was made in the Chongzhen period. It was in the jisi 己巳 year (i.e., 1629, Chongzhen 2), when I was summoned [to the capital] where I wrote [books] and set up instruments. Six years later, the calendar was ready, and after verification both before and after, we found [the calendar] to be in close accord with the celestial movements. At that time, there was a scholar, Wei Wenkui 魏文魁 by name, known as a calendar expert, who had been in the service of His Excellency Xing Yunlu 邢雲路, the Surveillance Commissioner 按察使. This man had written a book entitled: Lüli kao 律曆考. He too came with his disciples and having presented a memorial to the throne, he petitioned that a calendar bureau should be set up for his school with the intention of competing with us. His calculations were later found to be inaccurate and he was dismissed. The new system continued to prevail. In the Forbidden City, His Majesty himself took interest in the calculations and time and again gave high praise to our achievements. Unfortunately, the situation of the empire was precarious and became worse as time went on. With uninterrupted warfare throughout the empire, it was impossible to promote the new calendar, a fact that was lamented by many contemporaries.

JapSin II, 39.6
Xinli xiaohuo 新曆曉或
By Tang Ruowang 湯若望 (Johann Adam Schall von Bell).
One juan. Bamboo paper, one ce. No date or place of publication.

The cover bears a label with the title and a Latin inscription: “Solutiones objectionum | circa Astrononiam | Europaeam | a p. Adamo Schall.”

Ego infrascriptus Vice-Prov^lis Soc^tis Jesu | Vice-Prov^ae Sinensis testor hoc exemplar Li | belli huius esse legitimum; uti et subscriptiones | duorum mandarinorum tribunalis ma | thematici in quorum fidem hic | subscribo. Pekini 2^a Octobris 1701 | Antonius Thomas.

Cf. Pfister, p. 179, no. 10; Väth, p. 366, no. 17.
Source: Albert Chan, S.J., Chinese Books and Documents in the Jesuit Archives in Rome, pp. 328-329.

JapSin II, 39.7
Xinli xiaohuo 新曆曉或
By Tang Ruowang 湯若望 (Johann Adam Schall von Bell).
This is a duplicate of Jap-Sin II, 39.6.
Source: Albert Chan, S.J., Chinese Books and Documents in the Jesuit Archives in Rome, p. 329.

The cover bears the title and a Latin inscription: “Liber Quartus. Tractatus brevis Apologeticus.”

1. 修曆居咨禮部文 (A note sent by the Calendar Bureau to the Ministry of Rites; ff. 1–7).
2. 滿城玉山布衣魏文魁答曆局問 (A reply to the inquires submitted to the Calendar Bureau by Wei Wenkui, commoner of Yushan in the prefecture of Mancheng, ff. 8–13).
3. 與王廷評答客難 (A letter to Wang Ting in criticizing the [book] Da ke’nan, i.e., replies to the problems raised by a certain inquirer, ff. 14–24).
4. 禮部尚書徐光啟論修改曆法事 (Xu Guangqi, President of the Ministry of Rites, on the reform of the calendar, ff. 25–30).
5. 欽天監在局學習諸論曆新舊法事 (The students of the Imperial Observatory on the problems of the new and the old calendars, ff. 31–41).

For further details, see Jap-Sin II, 64.
Source: Albert Chan, S.J., Chinese Books and Documents in the Jesuit Archives in Rome, pp. 208-209.

Xueli xiaobian 學曆小辯.
By Tang Ruowang 湯若望 (Johann Adam Schall von Bell).
One juan. Bamboo paper in one ce with a paper case. No date or place of publication.

The cover bears a label with the title and a Latin inscription: “Refutatio duorum librorum | 曆測 Li ts’e | 曆元 Li-yüan | qui antiquam astronomiam | propugnabant.”

Formerly in the second year of the Chongzhen reign when the Ministry [of Rites] proposed to apply the Western method in the Calendar formation, we were doubtful of its practicability. But then several million characters were written on this method and published in book form. These writings were clear and orderly. We still had some doubts. Later we participated in a survey of a solar eclipse and twice in a survey of a lunar eclipse. We could not but be convinced by the facts. Of late, we have been told to carry on our studies. Every day we study under the direction of the Western masters. We do not only deal with books, but we also make experiments with instruments. We do not only listen with our ears, but we also experiment with our own hands. What they told us are true facts and shown with proofs. [We feel that] if the ancients writers were to come back, even they would find it hard to make objections . . .

The Xueli xiaobian was written under the following circumstances. By imperial order the Astronomical Bureau was started on 6 November 1629 (22.IX Chongzhen 2) under the direction of Xu Guangqi. This was known as the Xiju 西局, since the calendar was drawn up according to the Western method. The new establishment aroused the jealousy of the traditional astronomers and they were very unhappy about it. In 1630 the censor of Sichuan recommended a student named Leng Shouzhong 冷守中, who had written a book on the calendar, based on the Huangji jingshi 皇極敬世 (Cosmological Chronology) of Shao Yong 邵雍 (1011–1077). His book was sent to the Bureau for inspection. Xu Guangqi read through it and pointed out the mistakes. He wanted, however, to indicate the error by facts. It happened that in the 4th month of Chongzhen 4 (1–30 May 1631) there was an eclipse of the moon in Sichuan. Xu took this occasion and asked Leng Shouzhong to make the observation. Leng’s calculation proved to be wrong by two hours, while the Western method of calculation was perfectly exact. Leng therefore was told to continue his study with “greater humility.” The traditional school felt greatly humiliated and kept on arguing. In the sixth month (29 June–28 July 1631) an old and more serious scholar of Mancheng Xian 滿城縣, Wei Wenkui 魏文魁, presented to the court two books he had written under the name of his son Wei Xiangqian 魏象乾 : the Liyuan 曆元 ¸ and the Lice 曆測. These books were sent to the Bureau for examination. Xu Guangqi read them with great interest and praised their author as an assiduous scholar. Nevertheless, he did not hesitate to point out the mistakes in these two books and exhorted Wei to improve his works by correcting them. Also a number of the students at the Bureau reacted against Wei Wenkui. The discussions became acrimonious and Wei blamed the Bureau for the errors. It was under these circumstances that the Xueli xiaobian was written. Some authors attribute it to Xu Guangqi. It is possible that the book was written by Xu under the name of Schall. Notice that the other copy of this text (Jap-Sin I, 158) does not mention an author.

Xu Guangqi died in 1633. His successor, Li Tianjing 李天經 (jinshi of 1613), who in his early days had studied in the traditional school, found himself in an embarrassing situation. To please Wei Wenkui he declared impartiality and established a Dongju 東局 with the aim of reforming the old traditional school. By then there were four Astronomical Bureaus in the capital: that of the Datong calendar 大統曆 (used since 1384), of the Mohammedan calendar 回回曆, of the Western calendar (the Xiju 西局) and of Wei Wenkui’s calendar (the Dongju 東局). They fought among themselves, in particular Li Tianjing and Wei Wenkui. Eventually, Wei lost ground and with his death the Xiju was recognized by the emperor.

Cf. Wang Ping 王萍, Xifang lisuanxue zhi shuru 西方曆算學之輸入 (Taipei, 1966), pp. 55–61; Yang 1949, vol. 1, pp. 151–156; Li Zhengfu 黎正甫, “Mingji xiugai lifa shimo” 明季修改曆法始末 in: Dalu zazhi shixue congshu 大陸雜誌史學叢書, second series, ce 4, pp. 262–264; CJC, juan 31, ce 4, pp. 382–384; Fang Hao 方豪 1954, vol. 4, pp. 23–24; Bo Shuren 薄樹人, “Xu Guangqi de tianwen gongzuo” 徐光啟的天文工作, HKC, pp.110–142.

Cf. Pfister, p. 179, no. 8; Feng 1938, p. 207; Hsü 1949, p. 378; Courant 4951; Jap-Sin I, 158.

Albert Chan, Chinese books and documents in the Jesuit Archives in Rome, pp. 369-371.

Facsimile reprint of mss.
Library stamp on t.p.: Bibliotheca-Zi-Ka-Wei = 上海徐家匯藏書樓.
Copyist date on first collection (chuji. 初集) Chongzhen 11 崇禎十一 [1638]. Later collections date from Shunzhi yuan nian 順治元年 [1644] and afterwards.